Politics of Marriage (II): Toulouse

Bom, Myra Miranda

doi:10.1007/978-3-031-10429-9_5

Myra Miranda Bom³

Part of the book series: The New Middle Ages ((TNMA))

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Abstract

Constance of France returned to Paris after she was widowed by the death of Eustace, son of King Stephen, in 1153. She was young enough to still have children, and as such, she was of great value to her family and in particular her brother. He married her to Count Raymond V of Toulouse in order to cement their political alliance. The marriage between Raymond and Constance was of strategic importance to both the King of France and the Count of Toulouse, given the new political dominance of King Henry II of England. Constance’s role in the alliance became clear when King Henry besieged Toulouse in 1159.

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Notes

1.
Theodore Evergates, Henry the Liberal. Count of Champagne, 1127–1181 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), p. 3; Marjorie Chibnall, Empress Matilda: Queen Consort, Queen Mother and Lady of the English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), p. 72 et passim.
2.
Suger, The Deeds of Louis the Fat, trans. Richard Cusimano and John Moorhead (Washington, DC: Catholic University Press, 1992), p. 157; Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1968–1980), vol. 4, pp. 490–491.
3.
Her name was Marie. Geoffrey of Clairvaux, “Fragmenta ex tertia vita Sancti Bernardi auctore, ut videtur, Gaufrido Monacho Clarae-Vallensis”, Patrologia latina: The Full Text Database (Chadwyck-Healey, 1996) [PL], vol. 185, electronic resource; Theodore Evergates, Marie of France. Countess of Champagne, 1145–1198 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019), p. 2 and p. 118 n. 6; Elizabeth A. Brown, “Eleanor of Aquitaine Reconsidered. The Woman and her Seasons”, in Eleanor of Aquitaine. Lord and Lady, ed. B. Wheeler and J. C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 5; Lindy Grant, Abbot Suger of St-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France (London: Longman, 1998), p. 26.
4.
William of Tyre, Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi Chronicon: Guillaume de Tyr, Chronique, ed. R. B. C. Huygens. Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis 63A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), p. 754; Jonathan Phillips, The Second Crusade: Extending the Frontiers of Christendom (London: Yale University Press, 2007), pp. 185–206.
5.
Michael R. Evans, Inventing Eleanor. The Medieval and Post-medieval Image of Eleanor of Aquitaine (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), pp. 21–28; Peggy McCracken, “Scandalizing Desire. Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Chroniclers”, in Eleanor of Aquitaine. Lord and Lady, ed. B. Wheeler and J. C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 247–250.
6.
William of Tyre, Chronicon, p. 755.
7.
John of Salisbury, The Historia pontificalis of John of Salisbury, ed. and trans. M. Chibnall (London: Nelson, 1956), p. 53, p. xxii.
8.
John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, pp. 52–53.
9.
John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 53.
10.
John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 53.
11.
Bernard rhetorically asks why Louis, who himself is related to his wife in three degrees, objects to Theobald of Blois’s consanguinity: “Qua fronte, obsecro, tantopere aliis praescribere de consanguinitate laborat, homo cum sua (quod palam est) tertio ferme consanguinitatis gradu permanens consobrina?” Bernard of Clairvaux, Epistolae, in Patrologia Latina: The Full Text Database (Chadwyck-Healey, 1996), electronic resource [PL] 182, no. 224.
12.
John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, pp. 52–53. Constance Brittain Bouchard, “Eleanor’s Divorce from Louis VII: The Uses of Consanguinity”, in Eleanor of Aquitaine. Lord and Lady, ed. B. Wheeler and J. C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 224; Phillips, Second Crusade, p. 211; William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum. Books I–IV”, in Chronicles of the reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett (1884–1889), vol. 1, pp. 128–129.
13.
Phillips, Second Crusade, pp. 218–221.
14.
Letter from Louis to Suger in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. J. J. Brial, 24 vols. (Paris, 1840–1904; reprint, Farnborough: Gregg Press, 1967–1968), [RHGF] 15, no. 81, pp. 513–514; Bernard of Clairvaux, The Letters of Bernard of Clairvaux, trans. B. S. James, new edition (Stroud: Sutton, 1998), p. 371; John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 60.
15.
The pope showed passionate opposition to dissolving marital unions, even when there was a possible case of incest, when a Norman Count from Apulia appeared before him in 1150. John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, pp. 61, 80–82.
16.
“quod reginam vehementer amabat et fere puerili modo.” John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 61; Translation and discussion in Richard Barber, “Eleanor and the Media”, in The World of Eleanor of Aquitaine. Literature and Society in Southern France between the Eleventh and Thirteenth Centuries, ed. M. Bull and C. Léglu (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), p. 26.
17.
“Nobis autem ab eo discedentibus, graviter Regina infirmari coepit. Illa vero convalescente de infirmitate, statim ad Apostolicum tetendimus, cum quo per duo dies, et uno similiter die Romae perendinavimus. Nos autem ad vos sani et incolumes venire festinantes, vobis mandamus ut uno die secreto, ante alios amicos nostros, ad nos pervenire non differatis. De regno enim nostro quamplures rumores accipientes, et certitudinem inde nescientes, a vobis discere volumus quomodo erga quemcumque nos habere debeamus vel continere; et hoc tam secreto fiat, ut quod in praesento scripto continetur, nemo nisi vestra persona cognoscat.” RHFG 15, pp. 518–519, no. 96 [1149].
18.
RHFG 15, pp. 518–519, no. 96; An annulment would be an “infirmatio”. http://logeion.uchicago.edu. For an example for the usage of “infirmari” in a legal context, see John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 3: “Valet etiam noticia chronicorum ad statuendas uel euacuandas prescriptiones et priuilegia roboranda uel infirmanda.”
19.
Suger encouraged the king to contain his anger towards the queen. “De regina conjuge vestra audemus vobis laudare, si tamen placet, quatinus rancorum animi vestri, si est, operiatis, donec, Deo volente ad proprium reversus regnum, et super his et super aliis provideatis. RHGF 15, p. 510, no. 69; “quod reginam vehementer amabat et fere puerili modo.” John of Salisbury, Historia pontificalis, p. 61; Barber, “Eleanor and the Media”, p. 26.
20.
William of Newburgh claimed that she had complained of having married a monk rather than a monarch, but we should be wary to draw conclusions from this statement regarding Eleanor’s and Louis’s sex life. See for a discussion of her sexuality, J. Bradbury, Philip Augustus. King of France, 1180–1223 (London: Routledge, 2015), p. 25; Ralph V. Turner, Eleanor of Aquitaine. Queen of France, Queen of England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), pp. 66–67; and the widely read Alison Weir, Eleanor of Aquitaine. By the Wrath of God, Queen of England (New York: Random House, 1999), pp. 57, 68.
21.
“Sequenti tempore, praeterita non longa annorum evolutione, accesserunt ad Regem Ludovicum quidam propinqui et consanguinei sui, et convenerunt eum, dicentes quod inter ipsum et Reginam Alienoridem conjugem suam linea consanguinitatis erat: quod etiam juramento firmare promiserunt. Audiens hoc Rex, noluit eam contra legem catholicam ulterius uxorem habere.” “Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici VII”, RHGF 12, p. 127.
22.
James Brundage, “The Canon Law of Divorce in the Mid-Twelfth Century: Louis VII c. Eleanor of Aquitaine”, in Eleanor of Aquitaine. Lord and Lady, ed. B. Wheeler and J. C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 217; William of Saint-Denis, Vita Sugerii, RHGF 12, p. 111. William of Tyre, Chronicon, p. 770; Bouchard, “Eleanor’s Divorce”, p. 231. “Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici VII”, p. 127; Chronique de Morigny, 1095–1152, ed. L. Mirot (Paris: Picard, 1909), p. 83. William of Saint-Denis, “Vie de Suger / Sugerii vita”, ed. and trans. ed. F. Gasparri in Oeuvres II (Paris: Belles Lettres, 2008), 292–357.
23.
“Proinde Hugo Senonensis Archiepiscopus convocavit utrumque, videlicet Regem Ludovicum et Reginam Alienoridem, ante praesentiam suam apud Baugenciacum: qui convenerunt ibidem, praecepto ipsius, die Veneris ante Dominicam de Ramis Palmarum. Ubi etiam interfuerunt Samson Remensis, Hugo Rotomagensis et cuijus nomen non teneo Burdegalensis Archiepiscopi, quidam quoque suffraganuei ipsorum, necnon Optimatum et Baronum regni Franciae non minima pars. Quibus congregatis in castro supra memorato, praedicti consanguinei Regis juramentum, quod fracturos se fore promiserant, executi sunt, videlicet quod Rex et Regina Alienor, sicut supra taxatum est, affinitate consanguinitatis propinqui errant: et sic inter eos matrimonii copula soluta est.” “Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici VII”, RHGF 12, p. 127. Again, it was important that this divorce was enacted with political consensus.
24.
Quo peracto, Alienor terram suam Aquitaniam celeriter requisivit. Quam sine mora Henricus Dux Normanniae, qui postea in regem Anglorum sublimatus fuit, uxorem sibi accepit.” “Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici VII”, RHGF 12, pp. 127–128; Henry was Duke of Aquitaine, Duke of Normandy and Count of Anjou at the time of the marriage. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, pp. 474–477; William of Tyre, Chronicon, p. 770; Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum. The History of the English People, 1000–1154, ed. and trans. Diana Greenway (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), x. 31, pp. 756–759; Turner, Eleanor of Aquitaine, pp. 107–112.
25.
Gesta Stephani, ed. and trans. K. R. Potter (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976), pp. 226–227.
26.
Études sur les actes de Louis VII, ed. A. Luchaire (Paris: Picard, 1885), p. 208, no. 339. Before 9 February when Louis was in Arzac (Ibid., p. 209, no. 340) and 27 March by which time he had returned to France (Ibid., p. 209, no. 341).
27.
Their son Raymond was born on 27 October 1156. “An. m.c.lvi. fo naz. R. coms de sant Geli fils de la Reina costanca la vigilia de Simonis et jude.” Paris, Archives nationales, J//21, penultimate folio. The birth order of Adelaide and Taillefer is unclear. Taillefer was born after Raymond but before Baldwin (born in 1165), and most likely before 1159. Adelaide married in 1171 so she was likely born before 1159. “Historia gloriosi regis Ludovici VII,” in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. 12 (Paris: np, 1840–1904), pp. 127–133.
28.
His father Count Alfons Jordan died in April 1148 under suspicious circumstances while on crusade. Kevin J. Lewis, The Counts of Tripoli and Lebanon in the Twelfth Century. Sons of Saint-Gilles (London: Routledge, 2017), pp. 151–154.
29.
For a detailed account of her life see Fredric L. Cheyette, Ermengard of Narbonne and the World of the Troubadours (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2001).
30.
Cheyette, Ermengard, pp. 14–16. Abduction and forced marriage were a real threat, in particular to an heiress, including to Ida of Boulogne, Constance of Antioch, and Eleanor of Aquitaine. Caroline Dunn, Stolen Women in Medieval England. Rape Abduction, and Adultery, 1100–1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2012), pp. 10–14; Linda M. Paterson, The World of the Troubadours. Medieval Occitan Society, c.1100–c.1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 239–244.
31.
Count Bernard Ato of Albi’s titles and lands were divided among his three sons Roger Trencavel, Raymond Trencavel and Bernard Aton upon his death. Raymond Trencavel received all titles after the death of his brothers in 1150 and 1159, respectively. His son Roger (“of Béziers”) would marry Constance and Raymond’s daughter Adelaide in 1171. Medieval Lands. A Prosopography of Medieval European Noble and Royal Families, ed. C. Cawley, electronic resource: https://fmg.ac/Projects/MedLands/TOULOUSE%20NOBILITY.htm; Histoire générale de Languedoc, ed. C. de Vic and J. Vaissète, (3rd ed., Toulouse: Privat, 1872; reprint Osnabruck, 1973) [HGL], vol. 4, p. 521, no. 222.
32.
Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 21.
33.
HGL 2, cols. 1221–1222; Abraham Ben David of Toledo, “Book of Traditions”, translated in Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 16 Guillaume de Catel notes in his Mémoire de l’histoire du Languedoc (Toulouse: Pierre Bosc, 1633), p. 589 that Ermengard and her husband received oaths of fidelity and that there were more oaths like this. Jacqueline Caille, “Les Seigneurs de Narbonne dans le Conflit Toulouse-Barcelone au XIIe Siècle”, Annales du Midi 97.171 (1985), pp. 231–232.
34.
Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 17; Caille, “Les Seigneurs de Narbonne”, p. 232 n. 42.
35.
Geoffrey of Vigeois, “Chronicon”, RHGF 12, p. 436; Caille, “Seigneurs de Narbonne”, p. 230, William of Tyre, Chronicon, p. 756; for Trencavel on crusade, see Phillips, Second Crusade, pp. 214–215; Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 256 Elaine Graham-Leigh, The Southern French Nobility and the Albigensian Crusade (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), pp. 98.
36.
Graham-Leigh, Southern French Nobility, pp. 98–99.
37.
Cheyette, Ermengard, p. xv. The literary hero Raoul Cambrai exclaimed: “Not all the gold in Montpellier would stop me!” in Raoul de Cambrai, ed. and trans. S. Kay (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), p. 499. See also ibid., p. 71, “he would not do so for all the gold in Montpellier”; p. 91, “not all the gold in Montpellier would save you”; p. 111, “but not all the gold in Montpellier would persuade me to forgo it”; p. 323, “I’d not fail you for the gold of Montpellier.”
38.
The brothers were both called William: The Montpellier family tended to name more than one son William. Liber instrumentorum memorialium ou cartulaire des Guillems de Montpellier, ed. A. Germaine and C. Chabanneau, 3 vols. (Montpellier: La Société Archéologique de Montpellier, 1884–1886), passim.
39.
Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 254. Ramon Berenger was Count of Barcelona and Prince of Aragon. His son was King Alfons II of Aragon (from 1162) and Count Alfons I of Barcelona (from 1164).
40.
Richard Benjamin, “A Forty Years War: Toulouse and the Plantagenets, 1156–1196”, Historical Research 61.146 (1988), pp. 271–272; Jane Martindale, “An Unfinished Business: Angevin Politics and the Siege of Toulouse, 1159”, Anglo-Norman Studies 23 (2000), pp. 115, 126–128.
41.
J. D. Hosler, “The Brief Military Career of Thomas Becket,” The Haskins Society Journal 15 (2004): 88–100; William FitzStephen, Vita III S. Thomae cantuariensis, PL 190, col. 0122A; Chronica de Mailros: e codice unico in Bibliotheca Cottoniana servato, ed. J. Stevenson (Edinburgh: Typis Societatis Edinburgensis, 1835), p. 76; Continuatio Beccensis, in The Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett (London, Longman, 1886), vol. 4, pp. 322–323.
42.
Martindale, “An Unfinished Business”, p. 127; Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, pp. 202–203,
43.
William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, vol. 1, p. 121.
44.
Martindale, “An Unfinished Business”, pp. 119, 123–124, 143–145. She quotes Bertran de Born’s view that “[a] king who fights to defend his rights has a better claim on his inheritance…struggle and largesse allow a king to gain glory and territory”. The same sentiment is exclaimed by the passionate Raoul Cambrai: “They are coming to avenge their father’s death on me. Not all the gold in Montpellier would stop me from going out and defend my claim on my land!” Raoul de Cambrai, p. 499.
45.
“Willelmus comes Pictavensis invadiavit eandem civitatem Raimundo, comiti sancti Aegidii, patruo uxoris suae, propter pecuniam, quam idem Guillelmus in expeditione Jerosolimitana expendit.” Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, p. 202. Robert of Torigni, who met both King Henry II and King Louis VII in 1158, was in a particularly good position to be well informed. He was the abbot of Mont Saint-Michel at this time, a remote abbey in Normandy that attracted pilgrims from far and wide. Henry himself had visited the abbey with his barons in 1158 and again, with King Louis later in the same year. Robert was, therefore, familiar with both kings and had a steady flow of informants to keep him up to date with current affairs. He, as a Norman, was closer to Henry than to Louis, but even though he was one of the sponsors at the baptism of Henry and Eleanor’s daughter in 1160, he managed to keep a relatively unbiased tone to his chronicle. Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England: c. 500 to c. 1307, 2 vols. (London: Routledge, 1996), vol. 1, pp. 199–200. Jane Martindale dismisses on chronological grounds Robert of Torigni’s claim that Count William had needed money to fund his crusade and had therefore pawned Toulouse to Raymond of Saint-Gilles. Martindale, “An Unfinished Business”, p. 149. It seems, however, that fighting the Muslims in Spain was simply confused with going to Jerusalem and fighting them there.
46.
In the period 1195–1124. Martindale, “An Unfinished Business”, p. 147.
47.
William of Newburgh also claims that Raymond married Constance to appease Louis before Louis and Eleanor were divorced, which is incorrect. William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, pp. 42–43.
48.
Martindale, “An Unfinished Business”, p. 121; William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, pp. 121–122; William of Newburgh, History of English Affairs, vol. 2, pp. 42–43.
49.
Richard, “Forty Years War”, p. 270; Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, vol. 6, pp. 550–551; Wilfrid L. Warren, Henry II (London: Yale University Press, new ed. 2000), pp. 83–85; William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, p. 123; Turner, Eleanor of Aquitaine, pp. 61, 135; Martindale, “Unfinished Business”, p. 115; Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 25.
50.
This concerned the engagement between Henry (Eleanor and Henry’s eldest son) and Marguerite (Louis and Constance of Castile’s daughter), who were young children at this time. Warren, Henry II, p. 77; Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, pp. 196–197.
51.
“Ego rex Henricus assecurabo regi Francorum sicut domino vitam suam et membra sua et terrenum honorem suum, si ipse mihi assecuraverit sicut homini et fideli suo vitam meam et membra mea et terras meas quas mihi conventionavit, de quibus homo suus sum.” [1158]. Recueil des Actes de Henri II, roi d’Angleterre et duc de Normandie, ed. L. Delisle and E. Berger, 4 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1909–1927), vol. 1, p. 195; John Gillingham, “Doing Homage to the King of France”, in Henry II: New Interpretations, ed. C. Harper-Bill and N. Vincent (Rochester: Boydell, 2007), p. 74. Gillingham sees this as a diplomatic manoeuvre rather than submission by Henry.
52.
Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, p. 200; John Gillingham, Richard I (London: Yale University Press, 2002), p. 29
53.
Cheyette, Ermengard, p. 260.
54.
“Idem vero comes, tanti exercitus impetum pertimescens, regis Francorum, qui uxoris suae germanus et filiorum erat avunculus, auxilium imploravit. Qui zelando pro nepotibus festinus adveniens cum aliquanta militia Tolosam intravit.” William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, p. 125; “Volens ferre auxilium Raimundo sororio suo”, Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, p. 203; “rex igitur francorum intravit Tolosam, sibi et nepotibus concessam.” Continuatio Beccensis, p. 323. The “nepotibus” were Raymond, William Taillefer and possibly Adelaide.
55.
Stephen of Rouen, “Draco Normannicus”, in The Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, vol. 2 (London: Longman, 1885), pp. 589–781; Elizabeth Kuhl, “Time and Identity in Stephen of Rouen’s Draco Normannicus”, Journal of Medieval History, 40.4 (2014), pp. 421–438. Stephen portrays the increasing independence of a strong Norman king (Henry) from the French crown (Louis), as the fulfilment of Arthurian prophecy.
56.
William of Newburgh has an equally low opinion of Raymond of Toulouse, who he accuses of being greedy and money-driven. William of Newburgh, “Historia rerum Anglicanum”, p. 122.
57.
Stephen of Rouen, “Draco Normannicus”, pp. 608–609. Louis’s aggressive intent meant that it was Louis, not Henry, who broke the peace.
58.
J. Bradbury, The Capetians. Kings of France, 987–1328 (London: Hambledon, 2007), pp. 75, 158; Gillingham, “Doing Homage”, pp. 63–84.
59.
“consilio procerum rex regi parcit et urbi.” Stephen of Rouen, “Draco Normannicus”, p. 609.
60.
Breaking an oath would also set a poor example for his own men. Jean Dunbabin, “Henry II and Louis VII” in Henry II. New Interpretations, ed. C. Harper-Bill and N. Vincent (Rochester: Boydell, 2007), p. 54; Cheyette, Ermengarde, pp. 187–198.
61.
Robert of Torigni, “Chronica”, p. 203.
62.
William FitzStephen, Vita III S. Thomae cantuariensis, PL 190, cols. 0122; William FitzStephen, “Vita S. Thomae”, in Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, vol. 3, ed. J. C. Robertson, Rolls series 67 (London: Longman, 1877), pp. 33–34. William wrote Becket’s Life with the purpose of convincing his audience of Becket’s sainthood, so his account of Henry’s siege of Toulouse in 1159 was written to contrast the attitude of the worldly Becket with the later saintly Becket, but Becket’s desire to go ahead with the siege was not unreasonable. Becket’s presence at Toulouse was also mentioned in Herbert of Bosham, “Vita et Passio S. Thomae”, in Materials for the History of Thomas Becket: Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. James C. Robertson, Rolls series 67.3 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1877), pp. 33–34 and in the Continuatio Beccensis, p. 323. It should also be noted that although not mentioned, Toulouse’s excellent defences may have played a part in Henry’s decision not to press the attack and instead to do the “honourable” thing as an elegant excuse to withdraw. Martindale, “Unfinished business”, pp. 136–140.

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Bom, M.M. (2022). Politics of Marriage (II): Toulouse. In: Constance of France. The New Middle Ages. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10429-9_5

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