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Gender Relations and Women’s Movements in Turkey

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Organized Muslim Women in Turkey

Part of the book series: Citizenship, Gender and Diversity ((FEMCIT))

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Abstract

The aftermath of the military coup in 1980 saw the beginning of Turkey’s neoliberal transition and the rise of an autonomous feminist movement and later of Islamist and Kurdish women’s movements that challenged hegemonic conceptions of “Turkish women.” Women’s movements became increasingly formalized in the course of the 1990s and 2000s. They used the reform-friendly political atmosphere of the 2000s as a springboard and achieved important legal reforms through broad coalitions while conflicts over political issues continued to shape organized women’s relations with each other. By the late 2000s, a new mode of patriarchy, the neoliberal-conservative patriarchy (Coşar and Yeğenoğlu 2011), had arrived, shaping women’s experiences of oppression but also their politics and coalitions in new ways.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Yeşim Arat (2000, 109) notes that the “modernity project was unique and indigenous, not because it revolted against the cultural hegemony of the West, but rather because it claimed that those Western values were actually Turkish,” by imagining a pre-Islamic Turkish society.

  2. 2.

    As a matter of fact, the first headscarf incident goes back to the 1950s when Hümeyra Ökten, a female doctor, met with negative reaction when she entered the hospital with her headscarf. In 1964, Gülsen Ataseven, who graduated from the Medical Faculty at the Istanbul University as top student, was not allowed to hold the traditional graduation speech held by the top student due to her headscarf (Benli (2011, 11). The following year, Şule Yüksel Şenler, columnist and writer, was sentenced to nine months in prison after responding harshly to the then President of the State Cevdet Sunay’s threat against the pioneers of the headscarf. Although Yüksel Şenler’s penalty was pardoned by the President after two months, she insisted on serving the remaining seven months in prison (Benli (2011, 11). In 1968, Hatice Babacan, who wore a headscarf in her classes at the Faculty of Theology at Ankara University, was dismissed by the university administration. On 16 April 1968, around 50–60 students boycotted the classes at the Faculty of Theology at Ankara University following the expulsion of two students with headscarves. On 29 March 1973, the Ankara Bar Disciplinary Board expelled lawyer Emine Aykenar from the Bar. On 23 October 1977, a disciplinary investigation was launched against 215 female students in İzmir Girls’ Imam Hatip School, a vocational secondary school to train imams and preachers, for wearing the headscarf in the classroom. In July 1984, the Ankara- and Istanbul-based Daily News and Milliyet published pictures of university students with headscarves (Olson (1985, 161). Daily News reported that a student who graduated with highest honors from the Medical Faculty at the Ankara University was not allowed to deliver the graduation speech (Olson (1985, 161). On 26 July, Milliyet’s front page showed the picture of Dr. Koru, Assistant Professor of Chemical Engineering at the Ege University in Izmir, and reported: “Assistant Professor Koru Gave Her Response to Her Rector’s Warning: Even If They Expel Me, I Will Not Give Up My Headscarf” (Olson (1985, 161). Dr. Koru filed a suit against the university on grounds that her constitutional rights were abridged (Olson (1985, 161).

  3. 3.

    Islamism resembles other male-dominated ideologies such as Kemalism and Leftism with respect to the role and status assigned to women. Like Kemalism and Leftism, Islamism proposes its own solution for women’s oppression and exploitation. In the case of Islamism, women’s emancipation is considered as closely tied to the emancipation of the whole ummah, the Islamic community. Similarly, prior to the military coup of 1980, the Left regarded women’s issues as entirely related to issues of class and revolution and considered it a distraction to “invade” the political agenda with women’s issues (Berktay 2011).

  4. 4.

    Bulaç made reference to the sexist idiom “Long hair, short reason” (Saçı uzun, aklı kısa).

  5. 5.

    Bulaç was a leading Islamist public figure who was put in jail in the aftermath of the failed coup attempt on 15 July 2016 due to his alleged ties to Gülen Movement believed to have plotted the coup. He was released from jail in 2018.

  6. 6.

    Factbox: Excerpts from Turkish military statement: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-president-statement-idUKL2870273920070428. 28 April 2007. Accessed July 12, 2021.

  7. 7.

    For more details see Özsoy Boyunsuz (2016).

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    Ayşe Dursun

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Dursun, A. (2022). Gender Relations and Women’s Movements in Turkey. In: Organized Muslim Women in Turkey. Citizenship, Gender and Diversity. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09308-1_2

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