Participation, Immigration and Subjective Perception of Integration in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country

Abstract

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Basque society has been undergoing an intensive process of ethnocultural diversification, a consequence of the latest international migratory flows. For the Basque Country, these flows imply a new migratory cycle which, as on former occasions, helps further diversify an already diverse society. From the point of view of a cohesive society, the integration of these new migrants is a key element. What is the role of social and political participation in the integration process? This paper aims at providing an answer to the question. There may be a variety of forms and models for defining what is understood as integration. However, it is generally agreed that participation is a major factor in this integration process. This consensus is based on the fact that participation is a fundamental, democratic element which is related to political and civil rights, the community system and a society’s citizens. From the democratic viewpoint, having immigrants participate is, therefore, a fundamental aspect.

In this work, we intend to analyse the relation between the participation of people of foreign origin residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country (CAPV) and their subjective perception of integration. To this end, we based our work on the Basque Government’s Survey of the Foreign Immigrant Population (EPIE), a survey that allows us to analyse the subjective perception of integration of people of foreign origin depending on the different forms of engagement and their sociodemographic and migratory profile. The findings helped show the existence of a positive relation between participation and the perception of integration. Furthermore, it was likewise observed that the different participation profiles identified vary depending on the nature of the organisation in which they participate, the migratory stage and their socio-economic characteristics.

1 Introduction

Social participation in a society is a crucial element for the integration or exclusion of the people participating in it (Subirats, 2004). Similarly, participation is a core dimension of democratic practice. However, its definition is diverse and depends on the theoretical position (Martinez, 2018). From the academic point of view, the studies on participation are based on the analysis of the regulatory dimension (participatory procedures and a willingness to redistribute power), on the consequences of participation (empowerment and increased social capital), on the technical design and the implementation of participation devices (deliberative and participatory processes) and on the study of participation from the sectoral perspective (participation in terms of gender, sustainability or intersectionality, among others) (Martinez, 2018). With this multidimensional context, participation and immigration can be studied from a variety of dimensions, for example, the question of the right to vote and stand for election (regulatory dimension), the relation between participation and social integration (consequences of participation) or a sector analysis of immigration and participation.

In any case, it is widely recognised that participation is a key element in the immigrant integration process, as it indicates, among other things, the development of citizenry as a whole (De Lucas, 2007), the expansion of rights (Schuck, 2018) and the reinforcement of more integrated and cohesive societies (Odmalm, 2005) in contexts of diversity (Kymlicka, 1995). However, the role or importance it is supposed to have may differ depending on the definition given to the concept of integration. Indeed, the concept of integration is used recurrently in migratory studies while being one of the main objectives of public policies in receiving countries. However, there is no consensus on the exact definition of the concept of integration (Godenau et al., 2014), and neither is there on the importance of participation in the integration process.

The analysis of the processes of social and political participation of immigrants has become increasingly important in migratory studies since the 1960s (Rex et al., 1987) and, in recent years, internationally (Zapata et al., 2013; Vermeulen, 2010; Martiniello, 2005). Academic studies in Spain on migration also reflect this reality and have dealt with the subject, particularly given the boom and development in migratory flows in the last 25 years (Pérez-Caramés, 2018). In this area, above all, there has been an analysis of issues associated with political participation on the one hand, with emphasis on aspects like access to the vote and standing for elections and electoral participation (González Ferrer, 2013), and, on the other, social and political participation through civil society associations and organisations (Moya, 2005; Aparicio & Tornós, 2010; Lacomba & Aboussi, 2017).

Starting from this focus on the relation between participation and migratory processes, in this paper, we shall try to analyse the existing relation between the political and social participation of people of foreign origin residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country (CAPV) and their process of integration in Basque society. The methodology used is based on a quantitative-type analysis of the Survey of the Foreign Immigrant Population (EPIE) which the Basque Government has been carrying out every 4 years since 2010. This survey is based on a sample of 2200 persons and their homes and includes information on the foreign as well as the national population of foreign origin or the naturalised population.

Based on this survey, we shall analyse the political and social participation of the people of foreign origin in relation to, on the one hand, their participation in immigrant or immigrant support associations, neighbours’ associations, trade unions and political parties and, on the other, their participation in electoral processes. In this respect, we focus the analysis on the degree of participation as well as on the profile of the people participating, depending on their socio-economic, citizenship, migratory and sociodemographic characteristics. Similarly, we shall analyse the relation between participation and the subjective perception of integration.

2 Participation, Immigration and Perception of Integration

For many years, immigrant workers have been considered temporary guests in their receiving countries and not potential citizens who are expected to be politically active; that is to say, their role in society has been considered limited exclusively to production and work (Martiniello, 2005). For this reason, the degree of importance of the political and social participation of immigrants in the integration process will vary depending on whether they are considered citizens or not with the right to participate in society and, consequently, likewise, the importance of the participation in integration policies (Ahokas, 2010).

With regard to integration, participation is one of the four dimensions of immigrants’ political incorporation in receiving societies, along with the recognition of rights, identification with the host society and the adoption of democratic values and standards (Zapata et al., 2013; Martiniello, 2005). In this regard, when speaking of the political integration of immigrants, three elements need to be considered, namely, first of all, the degree of self-identification with the political system of the host country; secondly, the degree of active participation through voting and participation in the public sphere; and, thirdly, the perception of feeling heard by the authorities (Zapata et al., 2013). Along the same line, Entzinger points out that “one of the basic principles of democracy implies that all members of a political community have a share in the decision-making processes that decide on that community, its governance and its future” (1999:9). In this respect, one of the ways of relating participation with the immigrant integration process is based on their degree of social participation linked to the decision-making processes (Entzinger, 1999).

The degree of political and social participation of immigrants is conditioned by the characteristics of the immigrants themselves as well as by the receiving society’s context. In a host context where migratory and integration policies generate spaces of opportunity for immigrants’ social and political participation, the degree of participation will tend to be greater. We are referring, among other aspects, to participation programmes, as well as discourses, issues which are the subject of consultation and decision and access to conventional (elections, political organisations, participation processes, etc.) and non-conventional participation (mobilisation, strikes, demonstrations, civil disobedience, etc.) (Zapata et al., 2013). Thus, we can see how this host context is defined, on the one hand, by regulatory and institutional elements and, on the other, by society itself, by its individuals as well as by the collective, depending on said society’s degree of inclusion of diversity in its social realities and processes. With regard to the immigrants’ characteristics, diverse studies have shown that the immigrant’s social origin and their sociodemographic profile, such as prior political socialisation, social capital, the language, the form of migration, length of stay and the socio-economic situation in the receiving country, have an impact on participation (Ruedin, 2016; Zapata et al., 2013).

Moreover, as we have already pointed out, participation is one of the factors influencing the integration process. The variety in ways to measure integration is considerable, with one of them being the subjective perception that the immigrants themselves have of their degree of integration. This indicator shows the result of the immigrant’s life experience in the host society, a life experience that the immigrants themselves evaluate by taking into consideration, among other questions, the opportunities, obstacles, rejection and support received while setting up their life project in the receiving society and on which their own prior expectations and their personal experience prior to the migratory process likewise impact (Amit & Riss, 2014). Therefore, it is an indicator which, rather than just measuring the degree of objective integration and substantiated by data or indicators, helps us understand the extent to which the immigrant feels integrated in our society (González, 2014).

3 Participation in the Associative Network

The associative network is an element that characterises contemporary societies. With a great range of types, forms, functions and characteristics, it plays an important role in articulating the community and is an essential factor of its social capital (Fernadez & Cano, 2018). Associations and organisations for culture, leisure, sports clubs, religious bodies, educational groups, etc. are spaces for social participation, not so much linked to the decision-making-related participation which Entzinger (1999) speaks of but rather to the social muscle on which a major part of society’s community and social life is structured and, therefore, where spaces for social participation and social relations are generated. A society with a broad and diverse associative network is linked to an active and full community life. In this respect, from the point of view of the integration processes of the immigrant population, it is important to know the degree of social participation of the collective in the associative network (Vecina, 2010).

The EPIE does not allow us to compare the degree of participation of the population of foreign origin with the degree of participation existing in the whole of Basque society. This comparison can be made with the data from the Survey on Social Capital carried out by the Basque Institute of Statistics (Eustat). Based on this statistical operation, the Eustat can calculate the indicator of participation in associations and can differentiate said indicator depending on the origin of the population. The results for 2017 reveal a similar degree of participation in associations in the case of the overall population and that of foreign origin. To be precise, 98.3% of the overall population have a low degree of participation, 1.6% a medium degree and 0.1% a high degree, whereas in the case of the population of foreign origin, 98.7% have a low degree of participation, 1.3% a medium degree and 0% a high degree.

Focusing on the results provided by the EPIE, in Graph 1, we can appreciate the percentage of people of foreign origin over 16 years who say they participate in different kinds of associations and bodies.¹ If we look at the data from 2010, we can see that participation in the associative network occurred, in the main, in sports associations (9.5%) or in religious bodies (7.9%), followed by educational and/or cultural groups (4.4%) and informal immigrant groups (3.5%). We can therefore appreciate how the participation of immigrants arriving during the first migratory wave at the beginning of the twenty-first century was concentrated mainly in the sports and religious associative network.

Graph 1

% of population of foreign origin >16 years residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country and participating in the associative network. (Source: EPIE. Compiled by the authors)

In 2018, the results reveal a change in the type of participation. There is greater participation in educational and cultural groups (6.9%) and in informal immigrant organisations (4.1%) and a drop in participation in sports associations (6.9%) and in religious bodies (4.3%). Thus, we can appreciate how once migrants have settled and established themselves, participation is affected, the social network changes and moves, above all, to cultural and educational spaces and areas where the immigrants themselves can relate. As for the drop in the numbers involved in religious bodies, it may be associated with a greater degree of integration, as, in the initial stages of the migration process, particularly in the case of immigrants of certain origins, religious bodies provide support and assistance.

Do all immigrants participate equally irrespective of their migratory and social characteristics, or are there any differences? The question is pertinent. Though there is a tendency to see the collective as a homogeneous whole or, at best, differentiated by their origin and their cultural, religious and linguistic characteristics, the truth is that the immigrant population is a highly diverse population group with internal differences as regards gender, age structure, length of stay, socio-economic situation or legal situation, among other variables.

Table 1 shows the findings that help outline the profile of people over the age of 16 of foreign origin participating in each type of association and identifies several differences. First of all, in order to answer the question posed above, if we compare the result of each variable for the total population of foreign origin with that of the people who say they participate, we can appreciate a series of specific characteristics in participation and the fact that the characteristics vary depending on the type of association in which they participate.

Table 1 Profile of the population of foreign origin >16 residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country and participating in the associative network by migratory, socio-economic and demographic variables (% vertical)

Generally speaking, based on the results from 2018, the participation profile of the immigrants who participate in informal organisations and religious bodies is more orientated to the quest for aid for reasons of necessity, associated with the migratory stage and their socio-economic situation. These types of groups and entities usually tend to be spaces for intragroup and co-ethnic community assistance, where immigrants in need go to broaden their social network and receive informal support. In the case of religious bodies, there is an added element of community religious practice. In the case of informal immigrant organisations, the profile is mainly people in financial difficulties (61.3%); in a precarious legal situation (10.9% illegal and 17.9% temporary residence); an average length of stay less than the standard (10.7 years), on average; younger (38.3); and the population of African origin and the rest of the world. In the case of the religious bodies, there is a strikingly high percentage of people in financial difficulties (71.7%), an average length of stay less than what is the standard (11.4 years), low to medium educational level and with origins concentrated in the rest of South America, the Maghreb and Romania and other eastern EU countries.

With regard to those participating in cultural, educational and sports associations, the profile presented is, to a large extent, one of a settled immigrant who seeks to engage in the social network though they are not necessarily in any particular situation of need. These types of bodies are likewise part of the community network and can serve as spaces of assistance. However, they are more transversal, open and less defined. On the basis of the results from 2018, in relation to sports associations, a larger number of men participate (56.2%), whereas in the educational/cultural groups, women are more common (54.8%). However, in the case of the remaining variables, the results show greater similarity. In both cases, the educational level is medium to high, and the origins are predominantly western EU, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, Venezuela and the Dominican Republic. With respect to the length of stay, the average number of years is greater than the total, which shows that they have been living longer in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country, a fact that coincides with their legal situation which reveals that the percentage of participants in this type of association or group with Spanish nationality is above 44%. Lastly, with regard to the economic situation, the majority state that they do not have economic problems.

When compared with the data from 2010, the profiles reveal some changes, but their main characteristics have not changed. In the case of the informal immigrant organisations, we can see an increase in participation by women and a drop in the number of people of Latin American origin who participate. With regard to the religious bodies, the main change can be appreciated in the emergence of the population from Romania and from other eastern EU countries as a significant population and in a major increase in the number of people who have acquired Spanish nationality. In the case of sports associations and educational and cultural groups, there have been few changes in the profile, except for the significant increase in the number of women participating, the improved legal situation and their economic situation.

4 Political and Social Participation

Having analysed social participation in the associative network, in this section, we shall focus on the political participation of the population of foreign origin. Undoubtedly, participation in the receiving society’s political life is a fundamental aspect in the integration process from the point of view of democracy (Entzinger, 1999). Including immigrants in political decision-making and in the design of policies on which social life develops is a fundamental aspect of democracy. However, despite its importance, their participation is conditioned and limited, among other factors, by the legal conditions for access to the right to vote and stand for election and by factors inherent to the migratory process such as the migratory stages and the prioritising of material questions over political affairs by the immigrant population (Adamson, 2007; Zapata et al., 2013; OSCE, 2017).

There are different forms and ways for political participation to take place: individually, collectively and in an organised fashion by means of regulated and institutional channels of participation, trade union, political and social movements, etc. However, within this diversity in forms of political participation, the common element is a shared objective to have an impact on political decision-making, either directly by holding political power or indirectly through strategies countervailing power and pressure in an attempt to influence and transform society (Soysal, 1999).

Political participation of the different social groups that make up a society is a fundamental aspect for social cohesion itself, in so far as their participation implies finding a space for their interests and needs in political decision-making and in the design and implementation of public policies (Subirats, 2004). Nevertheless, although participation is a condition, participation alone does not guarantee that these interests will end up being represented in political decisions. Consequently, political participation (understood in the broad sense, beyond the mere involvement in the institutions and elections) being a key factor in a country’s political decision-making depends on the degree of participatory and democratic development of said country, as well as on its participatory and democratic culture. Implication in society’s political participation depends, to a large extent, on the existence or not of a culture of participation and on the existence of effective channels for its implementation (González, 2011).

Exactly what degree of political participation do the people of foreign origin have in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country, and what is their profile? In this context, it is relevant to provide an answer to this question as it can tell us if they participate or not, how they do so, and, above all, it can tell us if there is a specific profile of people of foreign origin who engage in politics in Basque society and also provide us with the profile of the collective that participates to a lesser degree. In order to respond to this question, we shall focus, on the one hand, on the degree of participation in organisations which, because of their mission or nature, are characterised by their desire to influence political spheres or because they are political players, such as immigrant support organisations, neighbours’ associations, trade unions and political parties. On the other hand, we shall analyse the participation of people of foreign origin with Spanish nationality in Autonomous Community elections.

4.1 Participation in Political and Social Organisations

Graph 2 shows the percentage of people of foreign origin over 16 years of age who state that they have participated in these organisations. Based on data from 2010, 3.7% have participated in immigrant support organisations, followed by participation in trade unions with 2.3% and neighbours’ associations with 2.1%, whereas the degree of participation in political parties, at 0.4%, is almost marginal.

Graph 2

Participating population of foreign origin >16 residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country according to type of organisation (% of the total). (Source: EPIE. Compiled by the authors)

The evolution indicated by 2018 reveals a generalised drop in the degree of participation in these organisations, although the same order is maintained. Participation is still greater in immigrant support organisations (2.7%), followed by participation in trade unions (1.9%), neighbours’ associations (1.1%) and political parties (0.4%).

These data reveal that the political participation of the population of foreign origin mainly involves organisations that are concerned with working on and protecting their political and social interests, namely, immigrant support organisations. Secondly, the next space of political participation can be found in the labour sphere, through participation in trade unions, that is, once again a type of organisation that works to guarantee their employment rights. On the other hand, participation tends to be less in organisations where the advocacy goal is more general and is not so centred on the protection of rights, such as neighbours’ associations and political parties.

What is the degree of political and social participation of the population of foreign origin in comparison with that of Basque society? The findings of the Basque Community’s Survey on Social Capital can help us answer this question. Based on the indicator of political and social participation, we can appreciate that, generally speaking, the population of foreign origin participates to a lesser extent in comparison with the total degree of participation. In both cases, the vast majority reveal a low degree of participation (88.6% of the total population and 93.4% of the population of foreign origin), and, in both cases, the weight of those who reveal a high degree of participation is likewise marginal. The main difference can be found in the medium degree of participation, where 6% of the population of foreign origin is situated as opposed to 10.1% of the overall population.

As for the participants’ profile, in the case of participation in socio-political organisations too, we can appreciate differences and similarities between the profiles. However, in this case, we can see how the profile of those participating in immigrant support organisations differs to a greater extent than the rest, whereas the participant’s profile in the rest of the organisations is more similar.

In 2018, the profile of the people participating in immigrant support organisations is characterised by a balance between the sexes (although in comparison with the total distribution, this balance suggests a masculinised profile), an average age of 42 years (higher than the total), a medium to high educational level (47.5% with vocational training or higher) and predominantly of African origin (47.4% come from the Maghreb, Senegal or the rest of Africa). With regard to the migratory variable, the average length of stay is 12 years (less than the total), and the legal situation is good, with 80.8% holding a permanent residence permit or Spanish nationality. Lastly, the majority (63.5%) admit to having financial difficulties. Based on the evolution of the profile since 2010, we can see that there has been a feminisation of participation (the participation of women has grown by 12 percentage points), and the average age and the educational level have risen (those with vocational training or higher is up by 10%). As regards origin, there are no major changes. With respect to the migratory variables, the length of stay has risen, though it is below the total. On the other hand, a significant change can be appreciated with regard to the legal situation. In 2010, 53.5% were illegal or had a temporary residence permit, whereas in 2018, these data showed substantial improvement with a drop to 17.6%. As for their financial situation, the number of people in financial difficulties had dropped by 10.9% (Table 2).

Table 2 Profile of population of foreign origin >16 residing in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country and participating in political and social associations by migratory, socio-economic and demographic variables (% vertical)

As previously mentioned, in the case of neighbours’ associations, trade unions and political parties,² the profiles are quite similar, even though there are some differences. In 2018, neighbours’ associations and political parties are characterised by a feminised profile, whereas in the case of the trade unions, it is masculinised. The average age in all three cases is above the overall population, and the most prevalent level of education is the third level (over 30%), except for the trade union profile, where compulsory education is likewise significant. In relation to the origin, in the case of neighbours’ associations and political parties, people of European and Latin American origin predominate, whereas in trade unions, people of Latin American and African origin are more numerous. Concerning the migratory variables, for all three profiles, the length of stay is above the total (the average is over 16 years in the three cases), and the legal situation is good, with the percentage of people holding Spanish nationality above 80% in the case of the trade unions and political parties and 92.3% having permanent residence and nationality in the case of neighbours’ associations. Lastly, all three profiles are characterised by a majority of people who state they are not in financial difficulties. Regarding 2010, the evolution of the profiles shows some variations, the most noteworthy of which are the increase in participation by women, the greater participation of those of Latin American origin and the improved legal situation of the people participating.

4.2 Participation in Electoral Processes

The political participation in electoral processes of people of foreign origin is conditioned by access to citizenship by means of nationality and reciprocity agreements that exist between some states for certain electoral processes. In general, access to nationality and full citizenship is a fundamental element in order to be able to exercise the right to vote and stand for election in all electoral processes (Ruedin, 2016).

In this respect, the legal framework regulating access to nationality is the main factor conditioning the degree of participation of the population of foreign origin. This is the case because the conditions for access differ depending on the country. In some cases, the number of years required to be eligible for legal residence are more and in others less. Broadly speaking, the population from Latin American countries require 2 years of legal residence while the remainder, under current rules, are required to have resided 10 years in the country. Consequently, when analysing and evaluating the degree of participation of people of foreign origin, it is indispensable to know the percentage of people who have obtained Spanish nationality and evaluate their degree of participation based on this element.

In this respect, Graph 3 shows the percentage of population of foreign origin over 18 years who have obtained Spanish nationality. In 2018, 36.3% had obtained Spanish nationality, implying a significant increase with respect to the 18.3% in 2010. Nevertheless, even in 2010, there were notable differences according to origin, and, in 2018, these differences were even greater.

Graph 3

Population of foreign origin >18 years with Spanish nationality (%). (Source: EPIE. Compiled by the authors)

In 2018, the majority of the Latin American origins recorded over 50% having obtained nationality, with countries like Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay recording over 60%. The percentage representing Spanish nationality among the remaining origins is significantly less, 25.7% in the case of western EU, 22.8% for the Maghreb and less than 20% in the rest of cases. Moreover, the evolution in relation to 2010 clearly indicates that the increase in naturalisations was much greater in the case of Latin American origins and to a far lesser extent in relation to other origins. Thus, we can appreciate that the population of Latin American origin predominate among the population of foreign origin with the right to vote.

With respect to the degree of participation, the electoral processes held in recent years have recorded the low participation of the immigrant collective – of those who have the right to vote and stand for election (Godenau et al., 2014) – and they are clearly underrepresented in the institutions. The findings of the EPIE reveal similar results. In 2010, only 34% of people of foreign origin over 18 years of age and with Spanish nationality admitted to having participated in Autonomous Community elections (the type of elections we shall analyse), and, in 2018, the percentage rose, but only to 41.6%.

The results in Table 3 show the profile of the person of foreign origin who takes part in elections. Based on the data from 2018, the profile is characterised by a female voter (64.5%), with an average age of 48.5, medium to high educational level (48.1% with vocational training or higher), mainly of Latin American origin (78.6%), with an average length of residency in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country of 20.4 years and reflecting a certain balance between people in no financial difficulty (55.5%) and those in financial difficulties (44.%). In comparison with the general profile, this voter profile indicates a person above the average, with a high educational level, longer time of residence and a better financial situation. As regards gender and origin, the distribution of the voter and the general profile is similar.

Table 3 Profile of population of foreign origin >18 with Spanish nationality in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country participating in Autonomous Community elections by migratory, socio-economic and demographic variables (% vertical)

A comparison of this profile with that of 2010 reveals that there has been a significant transformation in the type of person taking part in the Autonomous Community election. In 2010, the voter profile was characterised by being a man (56.5%) with an average age of 45.7; with a high educational level (48.3%), third level education; mainly from the EU (33.9%) and from Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, Venezuela and the Dominican Republic (30.7%); with an average length of stay of approximately 20 years; and the vast majority in no financial difficulty (78.4%).

In this respect, the comparison of both profiles indicates an evolution towards a more feminised voter, with a more diverse educational level, more Latin American and with a more balanced financial situation between those who are and are not in financial difficulties. In short, we can appreciate that, although the voter profile in 2010 was quite different from the general profile of the people of foreign origin with Spanish nationality, in 2018, the gap in the case of this profile was narrowed, revealing a voter not so different to the general profile.

5 Political and Social Participation and Subjective Perception of Integration

Having analysed in depth the degree of political and social participation of the population of foreign origin and the different profiles of the people taking part, we shall now focus on whether there is any relation between this participation and these people’s subjective perception of integration. Are political and social participation and subjective perception of integration related? Does participation influence this perception?

The descriptive research methodology of this study does not enable us to establish explanatory or causal relations between these variables, but it does allow us to identify a series of facts. The table shows the weighted average of the subjective perception of integration where 1 is not at all integrated and 5 highly integrated, depending on participation or not in the associations, organisations and elections that we have been analysing in this work. The results show that, in general, the degree of subjective perception of integration is quite high in the case of the different items (Table 4).

Table 4 Weighted average of the subjective perception of integration of the population of foreign origin >16 (scale 1–5)^a

The data point to a positive relation between participation and the perception of integration, although there are appreciable differences depending on the organisation in which they participate. In 2018, the weighted average shows that the people of foreign origin who feel most integrated are those participating in electoral processes (4.49). With respect to the organisations and associations, the perception of integration is greater among those who participate in political parties (4.38) and trade unions (4.35), followed by immigrant support organisations (4.32), neighbours’ associations (4.30), cultural and/or educational groups (4.30) and sports associations (4.29). As for perception of integration, it tends to be less among those participating in informal immigrant organisation (4.21) and religious bodies (3.89). On the other hand, in all cases, except for participation in religious bodies, perception of integration is greater among those who say they participate in comparison with those who say they do not participate. Moreover, the evolution since 2010 reveals an overall increase in the perception of integration among those who participate as well as among those who do not. This increase is greater among those who participate in immigrant support organisations (+ 0.38), in informal immigrant organisations (+0.31) or in cultural and/or educational groups (+0.21). On the other hand, people participating in religious bodies lower their perception of integration by 0.17 points. In the other cases, the weighted average increases or decreases, though at a lesser intensity.

These data denote that the perception of integration is greater among those who take part in electoral processes and in political and social organisations and slightly less among those participating in the associative network. In solely descriptive terms, these data appear to suggest that political integration based on political participation may have a greater impact on the perception of integration, compared with social participation in the community fabric. Political participation implies taking part or influencing the decision-making process of the host society, and, therefore, it implies a greater commitment to the public sphere in which one feels integrated. In this respect, it is plausible to think that the length of stay and attachment also affect this dynamic and result in a greater perception of integration, in such a way that those who have resided for longer participate to a greater degree in political parties and trade unions and those who have lived a shorter time, on the other hand, are more involved in religious and informal immigrant associations. At the same time, identification with the political system and a sound legal situation are aspects underlying these dynamics and facilitate a greater perception of integration.

6 Conclusions

The analysis of political and social participation of the population of foreign origin in the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country has allowed us to specifically identify the spheres in which said participation is carried out, the differences that exist between the profiles of the people participating and their relation with subjective perception of integration. In summary, we can conclude that, on the one hand, the population of foreign origin participate socially and politically to a similar degree as the overall population (except in the case of electoral participation), as it could not have been otherwise based on the existing regulations. What’s more the profiles of the people of foreign origin vary depending on the type of participation. And, last of all, we can appreciate a greater perception of subjective integration among the immigrants who participate.

Political and social participation happens in an unequal way. In the case of participation in the associative network, it occurs mainly in cultural and/or educational and sports associations and, to a lesser extent, in informal immigrant groups and religious bodies. As for spaces of social relation, we can appreciate greater participation of a general and highly diverse nature in the associative network, which could imply a positive effect on the network of relations and social capital of the people participating in these associations. This argument is further strengthened by the data on the subjective perception of integration. The people of foreign origin taking part in educational, cultural or sports associations have a greater subjective perception of integration than those participating in informal immigrant groups or religious bodies.

As for participation in political and social organisations, the results indicate that immigrants tend to participate to a greater extent in organisations whose mission is the defence of their rights and interests, whereas they are less involved in organisations of a more general nature. Thus, participation is greater in immigrant support organisations and trade unions and less in neighbours’ associations and political parties. In this case, there is no correlation between this differentiation and the perception of integration. With regard to participation in elections, in line with what was yielded by other studies, the degree of participation is low among the people of foreign origin with Spanish nationality, indicating a greater capacity to defend their interests in the political agenda of the institutions.

On the other hand, the analysis of the profiles reveals differences and similarities in demographics, socio-economics, migration and citizenship according to the type of participation. Generally speaking, two types of profiles can be differentiated: on the one hand, that of those who are involved in immigrant organisations and, on the other, that of the rest of the organisations analysed. In the case of immigrant or immigrant support organisations, the profile is associated to a greater extent with immigrants at a more recent migratory stage, with those of African origin having specific importance, with a precarious legal situation and in financial difficulties. In the case of the rest of the organisations, though there are differences, the profile is based mainly on immigrants who are fully settled, with a high educational level, a sound legal situation, with fewer financial difficulties and where the percentage of Latin American origin is significant. In conclusion, we can see that participation in immigrant or immigrant support organisations is associated with a profile of an immigrant in need and with some sort of assistance and support, whereas in the case of the rest of organisations, participants are established immigrants with a better socio-economic situation. With regard to electoral participation, the profile is likewise associated with an established immigrant in a better socio-economic position.

Coming back to the idea with which we began this work, participation is a fundamental democratic element in society and its political system. Moreover, in the case of immigrants, it is an important factor in their integration process. In this work, we have been able to corroborate this relation between participation and integration. In addition, the relation between the migratory process and participation has helped show that the type of participation can vary depending on the migratory stage and can evolve from a type of participation directed at questions related to needs and the protection of rights to another of a more general nature which is associated with greater social and political integration. In this respect, these results highlight the need to grant special importance to participation policies in the framework of integration policies that take into account the different dimensions of participation and political integration.

Last of all, from the point of view of the social cohesion of an ethnoculturally diverse society such as the Basque one, it is important that the specific interests of the people of foreign origin have a place and occupy it in the decision-making space in the political agenda. Immigration laws; the legal problems associated with citizenship; discrimination based on race, origin or religion; institutional or labour discrimination; language learning; and the effects of social inequality affecting them particularly are some of their many specific problems and interests because of their condition as immigrants or persons of foreign descent.