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Turkey–France Political and Diplomatic Relations: Contemporary Issues and Future Perspectives

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Turkish-French Relations

Part of the book series: Contributions to International Relations ((CIR))

Abstract

Under the Macron and Erdoğan presidencies, rising tensions and mutual mistrust have marked Turkish–French diplomatic relations. At the domestic political level, Turkey’s diaspora political positions, based on Ankara's attempt to gain influence over France's Muslim and Turkish communities, are interpreted in Paris as an intolerable interference in French domestic politics. Moreover, Turkey and France have entered an era of strategic rivalry in the Eastern Mediterranean at the international foreign policy level, wrestling for regional leadership and hegemony. Paris is critical of many aspects of Turkish policy: its conduct in Syria, its military support for Libya’s internationally recognized unity government, the maritime agreement that Ankara has established with Tripoli, and Turkey’s natural gas explorations in the Eastern Mediterranean that allegedly violate Greek and Cypriot maritime sovereignty. In the broader perspective, the Franco–Turkish geopolitical rivalry is to be understood in the light of a changing international order. The global power shift from West to East, coupled with the U.S. retreat from the Middle East/Mediterranean region, has ignited a struggle for influence that pits traditional powers, like France, against rising middle powers like Turkey. Attached to the Western/Eurocentric order, Paris has difficulty accommodating Turkey’s increased regional and geopolitical assertiveness.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Le Point International, 10.08.2016, Date of Accession: 01.08.2021 from https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/turquie-le-pays-qui-fait-peur-a-l-occident-10-08-2016-2060335_24.php.

  2. 2.

    Interviews and conversations with French diplomats at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Centre d’analyse, de prévision et de stratégie, Paris, 2020.

  3. 3.

    See YTB website; Republic of Turkey Ministry of Culture and Tourism—Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, Date of Accession: 02.08.2021 from https://www.ytb.gov.tr/en/corporate/institution.

  4. 4.

    See the website; Cojep International—Conseil pour la Justice, l'Egalité et la Paix, Date of Accession: 03.08.2021 from https://cojep.com/founder/?lang=en.

  5. 5.

    Off-the-record conversation with a French diplomat at the European Commission, Turkey Desk. Brussels, November 2019.

  6. 6.

    Speech at an AK Parti meeting in January 2009.

  7. 7.

    Speech at the AK Parti Congress in 2012.

  8. 8.

    The French media and some academics refer to “l’impérialisme turc” (Turkish imperialism), “le néo-impérialisme de la Turquie d’Erdoğan” (the neo-imperialism of Erdoğan’s Turkey), and “l’esprit impérial de la Turquie” (the Turkish imperialist spirit/mindset) (Gomart, 2020; Lamande, 2020; Tremblais, 2020).

  9. 9.

    Interview with the author, Zoom, January 2021.

  10. 10.

    For instance, in international fora, President Erdoğan constantly states that “The world is bigger than five”.

  11. 11.

    Off-the-record conversation, Paris, January 2019.

  12. 12.

    Off-the-record interviews, Paris, March 2015 and November 2018.

  13. 13.

    L’Obs & AFP (2015), « Turquie: après les attentats de Paris, Ankara veut fermer son “autoroute du jihad"», 21.11.2015, Date of Accession: 08.08.2021 from https://www.nouvelobs.com/monde/20151121.AFP7391/turquie-apres-les-attentats-de-paris-ankara-veut-fermer-son-autoroute-du-jihad.html.

  14. 14.

    A Kurdish militia in Syria and the primary component of the Syrian Democratic Forces (PYD).

  15. 15.

    French media and academics portray Kurdish women fighters as the symbol and embodiment of Kurds’ emancipation and their sharing of Western values. For instance, Le Monde titled an article: “L’héroïsme des résistantes kurdes” (The heroism of female Kurdish resistants) (Flandrin, 2016) and an academic published a magazine article titled: “La liberté se travaille au corps: la double lutte quotidienne des femmes kurdes” (Freedom is physically worked out: the double daily battle of Kurdish women), (Martin, Lotta, 2016).

  16. 16.

    Speech of Mr Erdoğan in Izmir on 9 April 2017. See; RFE/RL (2017), “Turkish Leader Erdogan Assails Europe, Calls It ‘Sick,’ ‘Collapsing’”, 10.04.2017, Date of Accession: 10.08.2021 from https://www.rferl.org/a/turkey-Erdogan-europe-referendum-european-union/28420141.html.

  17. 17.

    Mr Erdoğan, on June 2017. See; Emma Anderson (2017), “Erdoğan calls Merkel’s stance on EU membership ‘Nazism’”, Politico, Date of Accession: 10.08.2021 from https://www.politico.eu/article/turkey-germany-recep-tayyip-Erdogan-calls-angela-merkels-stance-on-eu-membership-nazism/.

  18. 18.

    Gas discoveries were made by Israel in 2009 and 2010 (Tamar and Leviathan, respectively), Cyprus in 2011, and Egypt in 2015 (Zohr). Lebanon is currently undertaking exploration activities, with no discovery of proven resources yet.

  19. 19.

    Interview on condition of anonymity, February 2021.

  20. 20.

    In September 2020, the Forum was officially turned into a regional organization following the signature of a framework agreement and a charter by the 7 member states (Egypt, Cyprus, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority). The objectives of the Gas Forum are both to cover the energy needs of its members and to export the region’s gas to the EU at competitive prices.

  21. 21.

    Interview with a senior policy advisor at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, September 2020.

  22. 22.

    As part of NATO operation “Sea Guardian”, the crew of the French frigate “Le Courbet” wanted to inspect the cargo ship “Çirkin”, which it suspected of unauthorized arms deliveries to Libya. The cargo ship was escorted by Turkish military vessels, which prevented the inspection and used their targeting system on the French frigate, which was flying the NATO flag. “Le Courbet” ultimately turned away; France subsequently suspended its participation in “Sea Guardian” and demanded that NATO investigate the incident.

  23. 23.

    The southern Libyan province of the Fezzan was administered by France from 1945 to 1952.

  24. 24.

    Speech by Erdoğan, Ankara, on 9 January 2021. See; Burak Bir (2020a), “Turkey’s security begins far beyond borders: Erdogan”, Anadolu Ajansı, 09.01.2020, Date of Accession: 11.08.2021 from https://www.aa.com.tr/en/turkey/turkeys-security-begins-far-beyond-borders-Erdogan/1697901.

  25. 25.

    Reuters (2020), “Macron slams Turkey's ‘criminal’ role in Libya, Putin's ambivalence”, 29.06.2020, Date of Accession: 12.08.2021 from https://www.reuters.com/article/us-libya-oil-russia-macron-idUSKBN2402KB.

  26. 26.

    Off-the-record interview with an advisor of President Macron, March 2021.

  27. 27.

    Interview on condition of anonymity, April 2021.

  28. 28.

    Interview, Turkish Presidency, Ankara, February 2021.

  29. 29.

    Interview with a diplomat at the Center for Policy Analysis, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, January 2020.

  30. 30.

    Off-the-record conversation with the author, August 2020.

  31. 31.

    Field research by the author in Lebanon, 2020.

  32. 32.

    Off-the-record interview, November 2019.

  33. 33.

    Ibid.

  34. 34.

    Off-the-record conversation with a diplomat at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris, October 2016.

  35. 35.

    Interview with a French diplomat, Paris, November 2017.

  36. 36.

    Ibid.

  37. 37.

    Egemen Bağış (2017), “Migration and Europe: The view from Turkey”, Euractiv, 20.09.2017, Date of Accession: 15.08.2021 from https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/opinion/migration-and-europe-the-view-from-turkey/.

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Correspondence to Jana J. Jabbour .

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Jabbour, J.J. (2022). Turkey–France Political and Diplomatic Relations: Contemporary Issues and Future Perspectives. In: Denizeau, A., Örmeci, O. (eds) Turkish-French Relations. Contributions to International Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07988-7_5

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