Translating Globalised Ideals into Local Settings: The Actors and Complexities of Post-settlement Water Infrastructure Planning in Urban Ghana

Abstract

Following the principles of the networked city and urban planning, pro-active planning of water infrastructure is pertinent for attaining universal water access. Ironically, in cities of the Global South, water infrastructure provision takes the form of post-settlement networks—where human settlements evolve to steer the provision of the large-scale water network. However, little is known about the complexities, the processes and motives, the actors involved and how they navigate towards universalising water access. I investigate this kind of infrastructure planning ideal, drawing inspiration from technological translations from the Global North to the Global South, using the case of Wa, a secondary city of Ghana. The study revealed that off-grid water systems initially served water in secondary cities. The large-scale water network later evolved as a “reactive measure” driven by the rise in population, and the failure of the off-grid water infrastructure to attain universal water access. Despite that, resistance from residents, spatial disorder and sprawling growth, utility policies and in capabilities challenged the efforts of the state utility towards attaining a universal water supply. Through creativity, the utility providers negotiated and invented multiple models of water supply contradictory to the “mono-modal” principles of the networked city. This produced and segregated water access across the urban zones of the city. The findings suggest that though the post-settlement water network provision represents an attempted translation of the networked city ideal, in practice, it does not conform with the hegemonic premise of a networked city to foster universal water supply in the cities of the Global South.

1 Introduction

Since the nineteenth century, the centralised water infrastructure has evolved as the primary archetype of residential water supply (Domènech 2011). It has been described as large-scale centralised water infrastructure (Domènech 2011), the modern infrastructural ideal (Graham and Marvin 2001), the “networked city/infrastructural ideal” (Courtard and Rutherford 2016), the “Universal access approach” (Cirolia and Rode 2019) and the modernist infrastructural ideal (Graham and Marvin 2001; Kundu and Chatterjee 2021). It gained acceptance in the mid-twentieth century as the official and universal access infrastructure doxa of modernism and comprehensive planning of public utilities in the West (Coutard 2002). In urban studies scholarship, it represents the ideal infrastructure for standardised service provision especially in cities (Cirolia and Rode 2019). In the context of this study, I use the word “networked city ideal” to showcase the provision of a large-scale water network to Wa, a secondary city of Ghana, that had been served by small-scale off-grid water systems. Since the nineties, proponents of the networked city ideal have argued for the provision of a uniform and universal water network before the growth of human settlements (Domènech 2011; Kundu and Chatterjee 2021). These proponents favour the pre-installation and provision of an engineered network of systems, fitted with technologies to facilitate the transportation of highly treated water to residents in urban areas from distant catchments (Arora et al. 2015). The principles of a networked city also include routine water purification, water as a merit or public good, and overall, the goal of universal access (Pleik 2000; Anand 2017; Pilo’ 2021). Some scholars associate the public good and universal access notions of the networked city ideal, with the notion of inclusive urbanism and the right to the city (Swilling 2012; Horn 2018). Moreover, in the recent past, studies concerning southern urbanism highlight the limitations of the networked city ideal in the cities of the Global South. These studies contend that the network city ideal is more or less an imposed archetype which gained circulation in the cities of the Global South through colonialism and formal planning education (Cirolia 2020; Truelove 2019; Schramm and Wright-Contreras 2017; Sapkota et al. 2015). Some scholars suggest that engineers, planners and public health officials are key actors that have instigated the circulation or travels of the networked city ideal lured by urban modernity, and “cityness” (Monstadt and Schramm 2017).

However, lessons from “technological translations” studies suggest that translating a globalised ideal such as the “networked city ideal” remains a complex task in the local environment of the Global South, due to socioeconomic disparities between the Global South and North and among residents in the cities of the Global South (Monstadt and Schramm 2017; Kundu and Chatterjee 2020). They reveal that contradictions inherent in the implementation of the networked city ideal, reinforce the complexities. Such contradictions tend to foster uneven distribution and access to water for different socioeconomic groups across the geographies of cities (Coutard 2015; Cirolia et al. 2021). In most cities of the Global South, especially Sub-Saharan African cities, urban water infrastructure/networks commonly “follow the people”, often as a post-settlement network, where settlements evolve and are more or less followed by the provision of the large-scale water network (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). This approach to water network planning may be divergent to the networked city ideal. According to Monstadt and Schramm (2017), the networked city ideal holds several interrelated notions which tend to heighten the complexities of its translation in the Global South context. It requires that; (i) a system of technology and an ordered design of cities to enable even network distribution. This is based on the notion that land-use planning is connected to universal water network provision; (ii) the notion of state monopoly—spear-headed by public utilities; (iii) it also assumes that customers are passive consumers who will eagerly wait for services to be provided; and (iv) and lastly, it also presumes that state-regulated services may offer the best results.

Observing the experiences of network water provision, Cirolia et al. (2021) indicate that the homogenous assumption of the networked city does not manifest in the cities of Sub-Saharan Africa. The networked city assumptions are less connected to the circumstances of most cities in the Global South to suit its translation. Land uses are less ordered in cities of Sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, residents/customers are not necessarily passive consumers but often govern themselves either by an alternative system of water supply or by seeking alternative ways of accessing water in the absence of a water network (Dakyaga et al. 2018, 2020). Consequently, the network water infrastructures often occur as post-settlement networks. Such infrastructures are provided to already developed settlements (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). Apart from Monstadt and Schramm (2017), who explore how the networked city ideal has been translated in the city of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), studies are scant in the Global South context, on the complexities, the actors involved, the motives and processes of translating the networked city ideal, and how the actors navigate the complexities towards the hegemonic goal of universal water access.

In the literature, studies exist on the post-network infrastructure concerning the alternative infrastructural arrangements that evolved through residents’ self-initiative, shaped by the failure of the large-scale or network water infrastructure (Cirolia 2020; Cirolia et al. 2021; Cirolia and Rode 2019). These studies have demonstrated how the post-network water infrastructure represents a heterogeneous infrastructural turn, an evolution as an alternative, normative ideal. The heterogeneity of infrastructure is commonly observed in water and sanitation domains, where the self-initiatives and ordinary practices of the citizenry predominate (Devlin 2018; Kundu and Chatterjee 2020; Truelove 2019; Peloso and Morinville 2014; Rusca and Schwartz 2017). Some studies also indicate that the post-settlement water network is more or less a response to the infrastructural gap left unattended to by the state in the Global South (Lawhon et al. 2018; Dakyaga et al. 2018). The aims of this study are; (i) to explore the complexities, the motives and processes of post-settlement water infrastructure planning, the actors involved; and (ii) and how they navigate the complexities towards the goal of universal water access. The next section presents how the networked city ideal manifests generally as a post-settlement network for planning in African cities.

2 Post-Settlement Water Network Planning in Urban Sub-Saharan Africa

In recent times, urban infrastructural studies more or less revolve around heterogeneous infrastructure, everyday practices and everyday governance debates (Velzeboer et al. 2017; Truelove 2019; Hackenbroch and Hossain 2012; Neves Alves 2019; Cornea et al. 2016). These studies reveal how urban citizens engage in self-initiatives both by providing and accessing water services in a truncated infrastructural landscape (Peloso and Morinville 2014; Uwayezu and de Vries 2020; Fakere et al. 2018; Ledo Espinoza 2020; Allen et al. 2017; Hofmann 2020; Dakyaga et al. 2020; Uitermark and Tieleman 2021). Anand highlights how citizens control, maintain and manage city water on an everyday basis even within the large-scale water network (Anand 2017). In scholarly studies of the everyday practices and governance, the micro-politics, and the roles played, the persistence and resistance of the urban citizens towards influencing institutional change and infrastructural provision have been demonstrated (Wamuchiru 2017; Mapunda et al. 2018). Lemanski (2019a) introduces the term “infrastructural citizenship” to showcase how citizens and state expectations and actions relate and shape infrastructure provision. Her findings showcase some of the characteristics of the post-settlement network water infrastructure provisioning debates in the cities of the Global South. This chapter aims to contribute to this evolving debate, particularly the work of Monstadt and Schramm on global technological circulation and translation, and the work of Andreasen and Møller-Jensen on the post-settlement water network provision; both in the context of the cities of the Global South.

Post-settlement water networks involve the provision or extension of the water network or infrastructure, either by the citizens or the utility, to areas or settlements already inhabited by residents. Post-settlement networks and services include water services provided by both large-scale and small-scale water networks. However, this study focuses on large-scale water network services at the city scale. Post-settlement water networks occur in both planned and unplanned settlements of the cities of the Global South. In Dar es Salaam, Andreasen and Møller-Jensen report that in areas already inhabited by citizens, the state utility provides electricity, public transport services, access roads, health and educational services. Due to the absence of pro-active network planning, residents often live in unplanned areas with the anticipation of future network service provision. Utility services are provided years after the development of settlements. Residents access services through negotiation with formal institutional actors, submitting formal applications to the utility for network extension and sometimes co-financing the cost of the water provision (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). Post-settlement water network provision represents a formal and a reactive planning approach to infrastructure provision. Also, post-settlement water network planning is often vulnerable to politics. Residents with the financial capacity get adequate access to the utility, unlike the lower-income residents. According to Andresen and Møller-Jensen, the politicisation of post-settlement water network provision tends to deepen infrastructure access inequalities in areas already inhabited by residents. These studies recommend further research to scrutinise the challenges surrounding post-settlement water infrastructure planning (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). Similarly, in Accra (Ghana), Uitermark and Tieleman (2021) report that residents lived in peripheral settlements for three years, without network service such as water, electricity, access roads and drainage. The residents gained access to utility services and infrastructure through co-financing.

Similarly, in the city of Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Cirolia et al. (2021) find that the state fills infrastructural gaps within the fragmented systems through the provision of high-tech sanitation infrastructure in residential apartments or condominiums already inhabited by residents. Such attempts to fill infrastructure gaps through the provision of large-scale infrastructure tend to occur in settlements where residents have lived for decades. This practice contributes to infrastructure fragmentation (Simonovic and Arunkumar 2016). Post-settlement water networks also occur where both the large-scale water infrastructure and the alternative water systems are provided in areas already inhabited by residents. Both arrangements may conflict with the networked city ideal and contribute to the water infrastructure fragmentation in African cities (Simonovic and Arunkumar 2016).

Also, Cirolia and Rode (2019) advance the potential of the small-scale post-settlement water network. In their theorisation of post-network water and the new Sufficiency Approach to infrastructure provision in the Global South, they argue that the small-scale off-grid water infrastructures are often steered by the urban citizens. However, both systems may co-exist in cities as complementary networks (Kjellén 2000). In the city of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania), Andreasen and Møller-Jensen (2016) observe how residents living in peripheral areas self-organise, financing the provision of alternative water infrastructures as immediate coping measures, and yet negotiate with the water utility for the extension of the network water. The provision of the network water occurs at the latter stage in areas where residents have lived many years (Nganyanyuka et al. 2015). The provision of both large and small-scale water network via the post-settlement network conflicts with the principles of the network city ideal, particularly, the principle of pro-active service provision (Uitermark and Tieleman 2021). However, post-network water infrastructure provision may be vulnerable to high cost, conflict in land acquisition processes and unequal access to water. To limit these challenges, Andreasen and Møller-Jensen (2016) recommend a communal, coordinative and facilitative approach to post-settlement water network provisioning, beyond the sole powers of the state utility actors.

Further studies reveal that a post-settlement water network requires differentiated levels of investments (adequate financial ability) to foster equitable access in cities (Cirolia and Rode 2019). For instance, residents located farther away from the network may bear a greater cost of connection in comparison to residents located closer to the distribution network. In response, Cirolia (2020) explains that infrastructure financing requires huge financial investment; unfortunately, the financial capacities of the utilities in Africa are already in a fractured state. In the case of Africa, the fractured fiscal authority and delays in negotiating for funding are the reasons for the evolution of the post-settlement water network. Cirolia and others further note that due to fiscal restraint, the financialisation of network water infrastructure is often augmented by development agencies, non-government organisations and civil society organisations (Peter-Varbanets et al. 2009; Cirolia 2020). The delays in network water provision may be caused by the long-term arrangements in accessing donor funding and loaning facility for large-scale water infrastructure development (Banerjee et al. 2009).

In the context of technological translation, Monstadt and Schramm (2017) suggest that, in part, the post-settlement water networks represent state’s attempt to provide network water, and on the other hand failures in an attempt to foster universal water access. In the city of Dar es Salaam, Monstadt and Schramm (2017) find that the translation of the globalised networked city ideal involved adaptation and some level of creativity from the citizens. In addition, the creativity, capital investment capacity and the technical and managerial abilities of the actors involved are fundamental for a comprehensive translation of the networked city ideal (Wamuchiru 2017). Collier and Venables note that the cost of extending the water network is often three times higher in sprawling cities and low-density areas than in cities characterised by high-density (Collier and Venables 2016). As a result, African cities may require more financial resources to enable universal access to water through the translation of the networked city ideal. Andreasen and Møller-Jensen (2016) explain that post-settlement water network extension may be seen more often than pre-settlement network extension because the former occurs in sprawling cities, where settlements are often not in conformity with spatial planning regulations. Though the majority of the residents often dwell in the high-density areas, (the inner cities zones), a lack of spatial order challenges water network extension (Mcgranahan et al. 2020). Chaotic growth of inner-city zones acts as a barrier to even distribution and access to network water (Guma and Schramm 2019). Eggimann and others explain that the uneven distribution of water service exists within the networked city because, it is economically inadvisable to provide network water infrastructure to low-density areas (Eggimann et al. 2016). Also, Ranganathan (2005) and Lemanski (2019b) use the concept of “urban citizenship” to explain that the uneven distribution of a water network occurs because of the utility redefinition of citizenship. Urban citizenships occur where certain legal documents are requested by the utility from potential customers and residents for proof of identity for connectivity to the water network. Such documents may include the land title deed, the electricity bill and the site plan as a means of identifying potential water users. They argue that the redefinition of citizenship as “urban citizenship” often fosters inclusion and exclusion in terms of residents’ access to the utility network.

Conversely, these debates suggest that urban infrastructure provision ought to be a shared task that can be collectively understood and provided by varied actors (Wamuchiru 2017; Truelove and Cornea 2020). However, though studies exist on the financialisation of post-settlement water networks, there are few studies on the complexities, the actors, the motives and processes, as well as how the actors navigate towards attaining the goal of universal water access in the Global South.

3 Study Context and Methods

3.1 Wa: A Secondary City in Ghana under Network Water Transition

Wa is a secondary city and the administrative capital of the Upper West Region (UWR) of Ghana. Located in the semi-arid region of north-western Ghana, Wa is one of the least urbanised secondary cities, but has been urbanising rapidly in recent times (Oteng-Ababio et al. 2019). In 2012, the urban population growth rate stood at 4 per cent, higher than the national rate of 3.4 per cent (Osumanu et al. 2018). In 1880, the city had a population of approximately 8000 (Wilks 1989) which rose to 125,479 by 2017. Like other cities of Ghana, Wa had experienced inadequate access to potable water for many years. In Ghana, the dominant system of water supply was the groundwater (boreholes and wells) until 1928, when the network water supply was instituted and operated by the Hydraulic Division of the Public Works Department (PWDs).

The department was first established in Accra in what was then the Gold Coast and tasked with urban water supply. Even then, the networked water system was primarily provided to the residences of the British, the colonial masters (Twumasi 2013), see Fig. 11.1

Fig. 11.1

(Source Author’s construct)

Map of Wa township

In the 1880s, the residents of Wa depended on groundwater systems such as hand dug-outs wells and dams. Finally, in the 1980s, the Hydraulics Division of the Public Works Departments (PWDs), supplied the main source of water to residents through three drilled mechanised boreholes. Pipelines were laid within the township to facilitate the distribution of the water from the boreholes. The boreholes were connected to pump machines and a treatment system located in the centre of the city. The water treatment tank had a storage capacity of 40,000 gallons2. As the population increased the capacities of the storage tanks and the boreholes were inadequate. The water utility authorities provided standpipes in major areas of the city connected to the water storage tanks to facilitate access. Furthermore, in 1984, additional treatment and water storage capacity was required to serve the population of 36,000. A water treatment plant with a storage capacity of 1800 m3, and a daily production capacity of 1320 m3, was provided to increase water access (Twumasi 2013). In the 1950s, a total of 16 boreholes were drilled, mechanised for water supply. By 2010, the population of Wa rose to 71,340. Residents were supplied water from 18 drilled and mechanised boreholes. In 2017, the population grew to 125,479 (Ghana Statistical Service 2014; Ahmed et al. 2020).

As of 2017, the water network covers only the townships, to the exclusion of residents in the extreme peripheral areas of the city. The study used the qualitative case study research method to explore the motives, processes and complexities of post-settlement water network planning, the actors connected to the process and how they navigate the complexities towards universal water access. This method was found advantageous for unpacking the complexities that characterise post-settlement water network planning in a secondary city such as Wa. To gain a clear understanding of the complexities across the city in terms of network water provision, the city was divided into three spatial zones; see Fig. 11.2.

Fig. 11.2

(Source Ghana Water Company Limited, GIS Lab)

Map showing networked pipeline

The spatial zones are: the core urban area/ Central Business District (CBD), the transitional zone; and the peripheral zone. Two settlements were purposively selected from each of the zones. In the core urban zone/ CBD, Limanyiri/ Fifamuni and Dokpong were selected. In the transitional zone of the city, Degu residential area and Konta were selected. Whilst in the peripheral zone, Mangu and Dobile were selected. These zones were selected with the support of the physical planning unit of the municipality.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a total of sixteen participants, who were key sources of information, directly involved in the city network water provision. The interviews took the form of face-to-face discussions using a semi-structured interview guide. The participants comprised of the Water Distribution Engineer of the Ghana Water Company Limited (GWCL), the state utility, the Water Quality Manager and the Director of the utility, the Physical Planner, Development Planner, Manager of the Water Resources Commission and the local political representatives (Assembly members) of the selected residential zones. These participants were selected based on their experience and knowledge of the network water extension in the city. Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were also conducted with six groups of residents, one from each of the six selected urban communities. The discussion groups ranged in size from 7–10 participants each.

In both the interviews and the FGDs, the study probed into the processes involved in network water provision in already existing urban settlements and the actors engaged in the water extension. Also, given the existence of the off-grid water systems (boreholes and dug-wells) in the city, before the provision of the networked water, the study investigated, whether there was a need for networked water infrastructure the actors involved and the complexities that arose through the provision of the post-settlement water network. And lastly, I questioned the state utility actors (Engineers, Water Quality Manager, and Director) as to whether there were possibilities of attaining universal access to water via the post-settlements network.

The utility officials described the processes that guided the network water extension. In addition, transect walks were conducted and guided by the Municipal Director of the utility and the Assembly members (local political representatives) of the selected communities. The transect walks led to observations on the nature of the settlements in the three urban zones, the pipe networks and other alternative water systems in the various communities. The interviews and discussions enabled the collection of data on the processes and the actors linked to the post-settlement network water provision, to understand the complexities and how the actors involved react to the challenges in network water extension. The interviews and the FGDs sessions were recorded. The interview sessions lasted from between 45 min to an hour. The audio recordings were transcribed and analysed thematically, taking into consideration the different processes, and descriptions obtained from the respondents. The data were collected between December 2020 and August 2021. An analysis was done across the various spatial zones in terms of water access, and the diverse complexities that arose in the attempt to network water, and how both the utility providers and consumers navigated the process of the network extension.

4 Results and Discussions

4.1 Post-Settlement Water Network Extensions: The Actors and the Motives

Consistent with Cirolia (2020), observations of Sub-Saharan African cities where fractured financial capacity limits network extension, the study found that the water treatment plant for water supply in the secondary city of Wa was financed by a loan facility acquired from the Korean EXIM Bank. The loan facility amounted to $51.54 million, acquired by the state. In line with the networked city ideal of Courtyard and Rutherford (2015), the motive of the large-scale water infrastructure was neither to maximise profit nor mobilise revenue and recover the cost, but for the utility to break-even, and increase networked coverage towards universal water access. In this context, the provision of network water became necessary following the rise in the population of the city and the inability of the utility to achieve adequate water supply coverage with the use of the small-scale off-grid, mechanised water systems (groundwater from boreholes). With the rise in the population of the city from 71,340 in 2010 to 125,479 in 2017, only 12 per cent of the city’s population could be served water from the 18 mechanised boreholes. The utility established the water treatment plant as a response to the water supply deficit. The treatment and distribution plant of the city water network was established in Jambussi, a community located about 35 kms away from the township of Wa. The trenches were sunk and the major transmission pipelines laid from the main reservoir to the city. The major transmission pipelines cut across several rural communities and arable lands. The high cost of financing the post-settlement water network was due to the cost of extending the network to peri-urban areas and the cost of compensating residents directly or indirectly affected by the network water extension (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). The utility compensated resisting and agitating resident farmers who were affected by the network extension. The damages caused to farmlands through the extension of the main water distribution pipelines were assessed and the affected residents compensated through direct cash payment. Even when, the affected arable lands were undeveloped plots, the utility (GWCL) paid about GHC 32,000, ($5,280.60) as compensation to the affected farmers in 2020. These petty costs tend to increase the cost of financing post-settlement water infrastructure (Collier and Venables 2016). The utility paid the compensation, drawing monies from its financial operations. Moreover, residents of the rural communities were not connected to the networked water, as they were satisfied with borehole water systems at the time. However, with the recent growth of the population, residents in the affected villages have begun agitating for a network water supply. The utility has remained mute, as they fear the defaulting of water bills.

Multiple actors, including state and non-state actors, contributed to the development and the expansion of the network water infrastructure in a collaborative manner (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016). Among them were spatial planners, development planners from the municipality, Lands Commission officials, the Water Engineer in charge of the network distribution, the Department of Urban Roads and of telecommunications, as well as Assembly members (local political representatives), traditional leaders, local plumbers, water vendors, tanker drivers and community water board managers. The major state actors were from the management of the water utility. The treatment plant was developed by a hired contractor, with overarching supervision, operation by the management of the state’s water utility. Though the settlements had sprawled to about 24.6 km, with a population density of 3,253 people per square kilometre as of 2016 (Osumanu et al. 2018), the state’s water utility was confident in its ability to provide water to the doors-steps of all of the households in the existing city. Individual plots and house owners were required to make a formal request for a site plan from the Land Use and Spatial Planning Authority (LUPSA). Through the LUPSA, site plans were provided to homeowners to facilitate the identification of utility spaces in the settlements that were already developed. In this way, the state utility redefined urban citizenship that offers access to network water. Ownership or possession of a site plan, and electricity bills led to eligibility or non-eligibility to networked water (Ranganathan and Balazs 2015; Lemanski 2019b). The eligibility or non-eligibility were also determined based on land-use order (Monstadt and Schramm 2017). Due to uncontrolled urbanisation (Osumanu and Akomgbangre 2020), most parts of the inner city were unplanned, hence lacked a site plan to guide the extension of the water network. The development planners at the City Municipality provided directives and guidance on areas suitable for water utility networked extension. The process encountered some resistance from residents (Lemanski 2019b). The resistance occurred due to encroachment of the utility networked on individual plots, and the payments of the connection fees. Despite the resistance, the post-settlement water provision contributed to (un)making the city and infrastructure. The Survey Department of the Land Commission, the traditional leaders and the Assembly members supported the state utility in networking the city, by negotiating with the residents and landowners who were affected through the laying of pipes across their undeveloped plots. The state water utility distribution engineer was tasked with an aggressive extension to the water network. Contractors were hired to facilitate the extension through the sinking of trenches within settlements and the building of long roads for the network extension. In the first phase in 2019, the utility created about 18 square kilometres of coverage with the main distribution pipelines, and subsequently covered about 28 square kilometres with pipelines for household connections. The local plumbers were hired to sink trenches and lay pipelines for residents who paid for the utility connection.

4.2 Post-Settlement Water Network Extension: Criteria and Processes to Access the Network

Consistent with related studies of formal water utility arrangements, the criteria and processes for network water provision were based on formal application processes for a utility connection (Andreasen and Møller-Jensen 2016) defined by identity/citizenship with emphasis on the possession of legal documents, references and identification (Ranganathan 2005). As part of formal applications by homeowners for household water connections, the state water utility’s first eligibility requirement was for a site plan of the residence to be provided. In addition, a utility bill, for example, an electricity bill, was also required to further verify and affirm the urban citizenship of residents (Lemanski 2019b). As seen in Lemanski’s (2019b) and Ranganathan’s (2005) perspectives of citizenship, the request for the site plan from potential clients of the utility served as an instrument to identify clients, and also symbolises an indirect inclusion and exclusion criteria, because only residents with site plan of the dwelling could access utility running water. Also, the use of the site plan by the state utility as a requirement for water network extension represents a translation of the networked city ideologies, in which urban areas with ordered land uses are given preference through the provision of network water (Monstadt and Schramm 2017). The site plan thereby provided proof of the location of the plot and residence. Moreover, an in-depth interview with the spatial planner revealed that the use of individual site plans by the utility as a direction for water network extension can be misleading in the context of Global South cities, because an individual plan does not reveal the entire characteristics of the individual neighbourhood plan. But for the state water utility, the individual household site plan was an important guide for the post-settlement water network extension process. In addition, for adequate connectivity and reliable access to water, the distance of a clients’ household from the main transmission lines/pipes could not exceed a maximum of 200 m. Though it was essential to ensure that residents received reliable water flow when connected, the utility policy of 200 m as the standard distance for a potential water network, resulted in the exclusion of residents located beyond the 200 m distance. The location of the plots and the type of occupancy of the property, for example, tenant, landlord, free occupant, or family client, also determined utility network water access and connection. The utility distribution team conducted an estimate of the cost of materials, by measuring the distance between the main transmission pipelines to the plots of the clients who had met the connection requirements.

Ultimately, connectivity to the utility network depended on the ability of the household to pay for the estimated cost of the materials provided by the state water utility. The interviews also revealed that the lowest estimated cost for connection at the shortest distance was about GHC 800.00, ($133.00). Whereas the highest estimated cost of connection for residents located at a distance of approximately 200 m was about GHC 2,500.00 ($398.78). Heads of households and landlords bore the cost of network water extension. This corroborates with Andreasen and Møller-Jensen’s (2016) observations that residents beyond the networked made formal applications for post-networked services. Findings of Uitermark and Tieleman (2021) in Accra, where residents contributed to the co-financing of the extension of networked water after years without the network’s water is consistent with the findings of this study. Moreover, the cost was often uneven, the estimated cost varied across locations of households and depended more on the distance of households from the transmission pipelines. The closer the household to utility transmission pipelines, the lower the estimated cost of materials for network connection. Residents in the transitional zone of the city were at a greater advantage due to ordered land uses, especially networked roads, compared with residents who dwelled at the periphery and in the inner city. Exceptionally, most residents in the inner city were indirectly excluded, due to congestion, lack of space for utility network connection and disordered land uses. Whilst residents at the periphery were not connected either due to deliberate refusal to bear the estimated cost, or inability to access the network due to their location beyond the utility limited connectivity standard distance of 200 m. The interviews also revealed that most high and middle-income residents, especially those who owned houses, were more interested in getting connected to the utility network compared with those in rental housing units. Especially, landlords (rental house owners), who were already connected to the small-scale off-grid mechanised water systems were not interested in connecting to the network, because their tenants served as customers of their drilled mechanised water systems. Therefore, networking their homes with the state water network would reduce the income they could gain income through the sale of the drilled groundwater to their tenants, who served as their customers.

4.3 Post-Settlement Water Networking: The Growing Complexities and the Utility Navigations

Post-settlement water network extension is often prone to several complexities. The first major difficulty arose in the distribution/extension of transmission and service pipelines due to disordered land use and the sprawling growth of the city. The interviews revealed that the extension of the pipelines for transmission and services was challenged by the disordered and sprawling growth of the city, especially congestion and limited space for the utility network in the inner-city zone. This challenged the even distribution of the transmission lines for universal water access for households’ connectivity. Other extension challenges included the inability of most residents to afford the estimated cost of materials to enable connection to the state utility network (Coutard 2015; Cirolia et al. 2021). Also, land disputes arose due to the wrongful provision of standpipes on undeveloped plots/spaces owned by residents. In accordance with Monstadt and Schramm’s (2017) observations of the creativity and adaptation of translated technologies, the study found that the utility officials navigated the issues of congestion and the disordered growth of the city by inventing multiple systems of water supply within the networked city. They included the following; firstly, the provision of direct water networked to households that were within the standard distance of 200 m and could afford the estimated cost of materials for connection. This included some residents of the inner cities. In some areas of the inner city, the footpaths of residents were used as service spaces/paths. Trenches were sunk and pipelines laid using the footpaths that led residents to their homes due to the lack of space for a utility network. The use of the narrow footpaths as utility and services’ spaces was an innovative and creative idea which prevented the utility from demolishing haphazard structures. The use of the footpaths as spaces for services helped the utility to avoid the cost of compensating affected residents. The innovation by the utility officials towards creating universal water access was the provision of standpipes in available spaces of the inner city (Dakyaga et al. 2018). It evolved as an alternative to reduce the time residents spent collecting water and the distance they travelled to get it. Areas with low utility networks and low financial capacity to pay for the estimated cost of the utility network connection were provided standpipes as an alternative water supply model. The utility bore the cost of the standpipe connections. Selected residents, mostly women, acted as standpipe vendors and were paid monthly commission for the sales of water. The third innovation by the utility to enable water access was the use of utility tanker trucks. The tanker trucks were an alternative means of reaching residents who either lived beyond the network or were excluded by the utility’s standard distance of 200 m from the transmission pipes. The tank trucks collected water from the utility and delivered it to residents in response to clients’ request. These modes of water service delivery confirm the perspective of Cirolia et al. (2021) on the heterogeneity of infrastructure within the networked city, that commonly exists in the cities of the Global South, in contrast to the premise of the homogeneity of the networked city ideal.

The second major complexity relates to technical and operational issues. This involves the intermittent disruptions to the water flow of the already connected households due to repairs and maintenance and ongoing network extension by the utility. During the interruption to the water flow, the state water utility relied on the small-scale off-grid systems previously used by the utility as the main source of supply water in the city. The reliance on the alternative small-scale off-grid water systems existed as a complementary system to balance the water available and to aid transition into the networked city ideal (Cirolia 2020). Moreover, the small-scale off-grid water systems seldom serve the entire city during a period of interruption. Another technical and operational challenge found was the utility’s lack of adequate financial capacity to purchase transmission pipelines to increase the coverage of the water network. This challenge was compounded by the increasing water bill delinquency by connected residents and state institutions. The interviews revealed that delinquent bills arose not only due to the inability of residents to pay but also because payment of water bills represented a new urbanism. The utility addressed these complexities using multiple tactics. Firstly, by engaging in an aggressive door-to-door campaign confronting delinquent customers for water bill collection. The commercial team of the utility undertook periodic outreach projects with the use of a truck van and client profiles to mobilise payment of water user fees. However, this tactic was only effective when the commercial outreach team met clients at their homes. In this context, the identity of the clients represented not only “urban citizenship” by right to water access (in)exclusion from the network (Ranganathan and Balazs 2015), but also a mechanism and tactic for user fee mobilisation in an era of defaults. The second tactic was the disconnection of defaulters from the utility network. Disconnection tends to increase the cost to the clients, because disconnected customers/clients were compelled to pay an amount of money, in addition to unpaid bills for re-connection to the utility. Moreover, disconnection became necessary when routine visits by the utility’s commercial team to the clients’ homes for water bills mobilisation proved futile. Interviews revealed that disconnection was a less effective measure in encouraging the payment of water bills among low-income residents. However, it was found effective among middle and high-income residents living in gated houses who were less interested in carrying buckets of collected water from a far distance. For most low-income residents, the act of paying a bill for water already consumed and monies for the cost of re-connection to the utility were non-incentives. Instead, most low-income residents disconnected from the network of the state utility relying on the small-scale off-grid water systems for water. In this context, the existence of alternative water systems acted as a barrier to the universal networking of the city. Interviews revealed that it took about three to fourth months for most disconnected clients to visit the utility office to express interest in re-connection to the utility network. The utility lamented that the existing alternative systems of water supply limit attaining universal water network extension. Thirdly, the utility developed the tactics of inviting defaulters to their office for deliberation, discussions and negotiation on bill payments. Through the negotiation, the utility provided debt payment schedules that were commensurate with the financial capacity of defaulters. Defaulters who resisted the payment negotiations with the utility officials were sent to court to serve as a deterrent to other clients.

5 Conclusion

The study explored the actors involved, the motives, processes and complexities of post-settlement network extension and how the actors navigated the complexities towards attaining the goal of universal water access through the secondary of Wa, in Ghana. A need was seen for this due to limited studies on post-settlement water networking and the complexities that characterise this kind of infrastructure planning by water utilities in the cities of the Global South. The study discovered that though the utility providers were motivated to achieve citywide coverage of water network connectivity through a post-settlement water network in the image of the networked city, universalising access was a critical challenge. The challenges arose due to resistance of the inhabitants, the disordered spatial expansion and the sprawling growth of the city. The sprawling growth of the city required that the utility invest more financial capital to purchase pipelines to expand coverage of the network, to ease and lower the estimated cost of materials to enable low-income households to connect to the network. The translation of the networked city created spatial segregation due to access advantage and disadvantage within the city’s zones and among the residents. As a result, residents in the intermediary city or the transitional zone were the most served, due to their proximity to the main transmission pipelines and their ability to afford the estimated cost of the materials. The utility navigated these complexities by inventing and devising some creative solutions to fulfil the principle of the networked city ideal (universal water access). Instead of the mono-modal/homogeneous system, the utility invented heterogeneous water supply models within the networked city ideal. This entailed the provision of indirect and direct water supply systems as well as the transportation of water via tanker trucks to unserved residents. The heterogeneity of supply models arose through creativity and the aim of the utility to achieve universal water access. In addition, the indebtedness of residents and state institutions challenged the financial capacity of the utility in improving coverage. For most low-income residents, payments to the utility were seen as warranted by the residents at the time water was required for consumption, but not after consumption. As result, most low-income residents defaulted on the payment of utility bills. This tends to challenge the utility’s financial capacity to expand coverage towards universal water access. The post-settlement water network represented the attempted translation of the networked infrastructural ideal from the Global North to the Global South. But, in fact, the translation of the networked city ideal in the Global South context, often encounters several complexities requiring the need for adaptation, innovation and creativity.

The roles of small-scale off-grid systems were crucial and complementary in enabling the transition of residents from the small-scale off-grid systems towards the networked city ideal—a large-scale centralised water infrastructure. Moreover, residents and the state utility remained connected to the small-scale off-grid water systems, such as the boreholes fitted with hand pumps, mechanised boreholes and the protected wells for use during the intermittent disruption of the networked water for repairs, maintenance and the connection of new clients to the network. Overall, post-settlement water network extension has the potential for universalising water access in ordered cities, in which socioeconomic inequalities among the residents are minimal. However, collaboration among the varied actors is key in advancing universal water access through post-settlement water infrastructure planning.