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COVID-19 and Russia

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Economists and COVID-19

Abstract

Russia was hit hard by the pandemic. However, its economic consequences were milder and recovery came faster than initially expected. Several factors (briefly outlined in the chapter) contributed to this. One of them was of an existential nature. Russia unwillingly happened to be well equipped to face the global disruption of economic ties and COVID-related restrictions. A series of deep external shocks that regularly hit Russia’s newly established market economy since the default and devaluation of 1998 made the elite suspectable of unconditional embracing global finance. This sentiment translated into amassing international reserves and a drastic reduction of the international debt of the Russian state since the early 2000s. The pandemic did not change the trend, in fact the accumulation of reserves continued despite the calls to resort to them for the implementation of social relief policies. On the other hand, the combined effect of the devaluations, the impact of the Great Recession and the sanctions imposed on Russia since 2014 had induced import substitution and the adjustment of domestic production and consumption before the arrival of COVID that disrupted international trade. COVID crises did not generate any new trend in Russia’s economic profession. Rather, it reinforced the economic policy approaches emerged in the late 1980s and 1990s. In the chapter, we delineated four such approaches which express the attitudes of different elements among the Russian establishment. It seems plausible in retrospect that the pandemic triggered the recombination in the establishment. We presume that with the pandemic becoming the history, the future of Russian political and economic system will be defined by the eventual balance of forces resulting of this recombination. If so, the description of four approaches is the main result obtained in this chapter.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Over this period, there was an attempt to introduce a brand-new official narrative that avoided calling restrictive measures by their name, and instead maintained that ‘social disconnection’ was the best way to prevent the spread of the virus.

  2. 2.

    https://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/research/research-projects/covid-19-government-response-tracker, accessed 3 March 2022.

  3. 3.

    https://yandex.ru/company/researches/2020/podomam, accessed 3 March 2022.

  4. 4.

    https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG?locations=RU, accessed 4 March 2022.

  5. 5.

    https://rosstat.gov.ru/storage/mediabank/urov_12kv_nm.xlsx, accessed 4 March 2022.

  6. 6.

    https://minfin.gov.ru/ru/statistics/fedbud/, accessed 4 March 2022.

  7. 7.

    https://www.cbr.ru/hd_base/mrrf/mrrf_7d/, accessed 4 March 2022.

  8. 8.

    https://www.imf.org/en/Topics/imf-and-covid19/Fiscal-Policies-Database-in-Response-to-COVID-19, accessed 3 March 2022.

  9. 9.

    Apart from the theoretical considerations of liberal economists, many people in the community of market reformers in Central and Eastern Europe were inspired by Augusto Pinochet’s Chile. Latin America continued to provide success stories of political and economic transformation throughout the 1990s. In 1998, at the height of the financial crisis, Domingo Cavallo—the Argentine Minister of Economy from 1991–1996, who was credited with curbing inflation—was invited to Moscow for talks with the government. Ironically, just three years after this, Cavallo’s name was associated with the Argentine financial crash of 2001.

  10. 10.

    Some social media threads led to rigorous academic studies. This was the case in Karlinsky and Kobak (2021), which was preceded by comments and posts on the measurement of mortality rates by Dmitry Kobak, a mathematician from St. Petersburg University, on social media.

  11. 11.

    https://www.hse.ru/corona/issues#pagetop, accessed 3 March 2022.

  12. 12.

    We do not claim that this grouping characterises the profession in its entirety, but we believe it is representative in relation to the pandemic. We do not discuss economists whose impact is confined to a niche audience or whose influence in the establishment is insubstantial or non-existent.

  13. 13.

    It should be noted that references to the ‘Swedish way’ or ‘Swedish socialism’ became popular during perestroika as an indication of the feasibility of the ‘third way’ between the rigid planned system and the deregulated markets to be followed by the Soviet economy. A belief in its feasibility remains characteristic of the post-Soviet academic establishment.

  14. 14.

    Guriev became the first NES tenured professor and was NES Rector from 2004 to 2013, and participated in several government commissions. In 2013 he emigrated to France and became a professor at Sciences Po in Paris. From 2016 to 2019 he was chief economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. According to a survey of the Russian academic community of economists conducted in 2016, he was one of the top ten Russian economists (Maltsev, 2016, p. 145).

  15. 15.

    Sonin joined NES in 2001 and rose to tenured professorship and vice-rectorship there. From 2013 to 2014 he was a Vice-Rector at the Higher School of Economics (HSE), another prestigious university in Moscow. In 2015 Sonin joined the University of Chicago. Outside his academic activities, Sonin is by far the most popular representative of mainstream economics on social media in Russia, while his academic publications appear mostly in international journals (see e.g. Wright et al., 2020).

  16. 16.

    ‘When we agree to work in a more dangerous job for a higher salary, we are implicitly trading money for a chance to die. By observing many such trade-offs, economists have been able to estimate that the so-called value of a statistical life in the United States is $14.5 million in current dollars. This value is a measure of people’s willingness to pay for risk reduction and the marginal cost of enhancing safety’ (Zingales 2020).

  17. 17.

    Originally posted on Sonin’s Facebook page, then re-published by many independent media.

  18. 18.

    The approach can be regarded as a continuation of the nineteenth-century Slavophile rejection of the European (Western) way, which Russia allegedly took on after Peter I. It was revived and widely popularised in the late Soviet period by the eccentric geographer and historian Lev Gumilev (son of two great Russian poets, Nikolai Gumilev and Anna Akhmatova).

  19. 19.

    The most important ultra-conservative figure in philosophy and geopolitics is Alexander Dugin. He and Glazyev are members of the Club of Izborsk, a social conservative venue established in 2012, with one of its main goals to be ‘an alternative to numerous clubs and venues of a liberal orientation, which for a long time claimed to express and intellectually serve the official policy of the Russian Federation’ (https://izborsk-club.ru/about, accessed 3 March 2022). Members of the club include intellectuals, writers, journalists, former officials and politicians. Its actual impact on policy-making is uncertain, but is probably rather limited. The main function of the Club seems to be the discussion of ideas pertinent to some circles of the establishment.

  20. 20.

    https://polit.ru/article/2006/09/26/glazyev/, accessed 3 March 2022.

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Markov, M., Melnik, D. (2022). COVID-19 and Russia. In: Lazzarini, A., Melnik, D. (eds) Economists and COVID-19. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05811-0_6

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