Abstract
This chapter provides a systematic overview of the political actors, institutions, and dynamics of Brunei’s political system and summarizes recent developments. As the only ruling monarchy in Southeast Asia, the Sultanate of Brunei seems a political anachronism in the region. Yet it is also a beacon of political stability in Southeast Asia. The royalist regime has struck a balance between legitimation, co-optation, and repression as the three pillars of stable authoritarian rule. Rent income from petroleum and natural gas allowed the regime to finance a well-developed security apparatus to defend against internal and external challengers but also provide its citizens with a generous welfare state and employment opportunities in the public sector. An expanding state administration provides patronage to members of the political elite. To corroborate his normative claim to power, the Sultan has emphasized the idea of the Malay Islamic Monarchy in recent years and portrays himself as a proponent and guarantor of morally superior Islamic rule. So far, neither civil society nor political opposition parties is able or willing to challenge the ruling system.
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Notes
- 1.
Rentier states are defined as those states that regularly receive most or all of their revenues from rents, such as oil revenues or income derived from the exploitation of other natural resources (Beck, 2007). Rents can be accumulated from economic and political resources (i.e., development aid or military assistance) or migrant remittances. Rentier states are characterized by the relative absence of revenue from domestic taxation and can freely allocate resources to service political interests (Beblawi & Luciani, 1987; Herb, 2005). Since rentier states often are governed by autocratic leaders and lack democratic institutions (Ross, 2001), resources are used to stabilize authoritarian rule. Depending on the percentage of government revenue made up of rents, countries can be categorized as weak (20–30%), intermediate (30–40%) or strong (more than 40%) rentier states (Beck, 2007).
- 2.
For more detail on the constitutional status of the traditional Malay Rulers on the Malayan Peninsula, see Chap. 6.
- 3.
Until 1988 Brunei’s highest judicial authority also served as the presiding judge in the Supreme Court of the British Hong Kong Crown Colony.
- 4.
A prominent example is the collapse of the Amedeo conglomerate in 1998 that was led by Prince Muda Haji Jefri Bolkiah, the country’s then Minister of Finance and Head of BIA. The prince supposedly embezzled 14.8 billion USD and transferred them to foreign accounts (Gunn, 2008).
- 5.
The others are PR China, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar.
- 6.
Brunei, Timor-Leste, and Laos are the only countries in the region for which the Asian Barometer Survey does not provide any data.
- 7.
Cooptation describes any attempt to buy fealty or compliance, whereas repression is meant to coerce it. Finally, legitimation attempts to induce voluntary compliance through tradition, charisma, or reference to public welfare, popular sovereignty, or utopian ideology (Gerschewski, 2013).
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Croissant, A. (2022). Brunei Darussalam: Malay Islamic Monarchy and Rentier State. In: Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia. Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05114-2_2
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