Abstract
In this paper I inquire the philosophical import of Christine de Pizan’s self-representation as a female author. The paper divides into two parts. The first deals with selected passages of Christine de Pizan’s autobiographical accounts of her intellectual career and its implications for the validation of her status as a female author. In the second part, I analyze Pizan’s claims that her experience can be used as a corrective device to understand human nature and to respond to poor (misogynistic) reasoning. I argue that Pizan is thereby reclaiming the epistemic value of her perspective as femme naturelle. This approach enables a wider understanding of the different kinds of intellectuals and discourses intellectuals present in medieval society. In consequence it shows to be a valuable tool to the historian of medieval philosophy.
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Notes
- 1.
Pizan, Livre de l’advision Cristine, III, 11: Il est voir que, comme la voix courust ja, et meismes entre les princes, de l’ordre et maniere de mon vivre, c’est assavoir a l’estude, quoy que celler le voulsissem our ce que revelé leur estoit, leur fis presens comme des nouvelles choses, quelque petis et foibles qu’ilz fussent, de mes volumes de plusieurs matieres, lesquelz de leur grace comme princes benignes et três humains les virent volontiers et receurent a joie – et plus, comme je tiens, pour la chose non usage que femme escripse, comme pieça n’avenist, que pour la digneté que y ssoit. Et ainsi furent en pou d’eure ventillez et portez mes dis livres em plusiers pars et pays divers. (ed. Dulac & Reno, 2001, 111; transl. Reno, 1994, 24).
- 2.
Take, for instance, the well-known illumination that accompanies the Cent Ballades, in the Queen’s Manuscript (British Library, Ms. Harley 4431, f° 4) and the scene of Pizan instructing four men in Les Proverbes Moreaux (British Library, Ms. Harley 4431, f° 259.) We know that Pizan used to hire artists to illustrate her manuscripts, and presented the bound volumes to the patrons she wanted to praise. See Bell (2008).
- 3.
In the City of Ladies (II, 36, 154) Pizan is reminded by Lady Rectitude of her natural inclination to the books: “Your father, who was a great scientist and philosopher, did not believe that women were worth less by knowing science; rather, as you know, he took great pleasure from seeing your inclination to learning. […] just as the proverb already mentioned above says, ‘No one can take away what Nature has given,’ your mother could not hinder in you the feeling for the sciences which you, through natural inclination, had nevertheless gathered together in little droplets”. In the end of the Chemin de longue étude (v. 6332–3) Lady Reason ascribes to Pizan the task of descriping the properties of the ideal prince saying: “Cristine, chere/Amie, qui scïence as chiere,/Tu rapporteras noz debas/Sicom les a oÿs, la bas/Au monde aux grans princes François (Tarnowski, 2000, 462).
- 4.
See Le Ninan (2012). In fact, to write a mirroir des princes means to put oneself in a position of preceptor and holder of wisdom. Pizan also provided prove of her recognition by explicity acknowledging the Duc de Bourgogne as the commissioner of her biography od the formar king, Charles V, in her Le Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V. the episode is reconted in deteils at the very beginning of the work (ed. Solente, 1936; 6–9). Yet another strategy for establishing authority employed by Pizan is the self-quotation: in the Livre de paix, for instance, Pizan refers to her prior works, as Charles V, Le Livre du corps de policie and l’Advision du coq. See also Dulac (1992).
- 5.
Le livre de mutation Fortune, vv. 139–156: Mais, pour mieulx donner a entendre/La fin du procés ou vueil tendre,/Vous diray qui je suis, qui parle,/Qui de femelle devins masle/Par Fortune, qu’ainsy le voult;/Si me mua et corps et voult/En homme naturel parfaict; Et jadis fus femme, de fait/Homme suis, je ne ment pas,/Assez le demonstrent mes pas,/Et, si fus je femme jadis, Verité est ce que je dis; Mais, je diray, par ficcion, Le fait de la mutacion/Comment de femme devins homme,/Et ce dictié vueil que l’en nomme, quant l’istoire sera commune: “La mutacion de Fortune”. (ed. Solente, 1959, 7; Trans. Brownlee, 2000, 91).
- 6.
- 7.
Pizan uses the expression “to have a man’s heart” (avoir cuer d’omme) in her Livre des trois vertus (III, Chap. 4; II, Chap. 9) in encouraging her female readers to take an interest in military affairs and, if necessary, to engage bravely in battle. Jean Gerson, chancellor of the University of Paris, praised Christine de Pizan in a letter as he took her side on the Querelle de la Rose, defining her as a “distinguished woman and a manly female” (insignis femina, virilis femina). “Responsio as scripta scuiusdam” see McWebb (2006, 164).
- 8.
According to Pizan, human souls—both male and female—are equally created in the image of God and possess the same essential features; most differences concerning gender are unnatural, and therefore can be addressed and criticized: There are, however, some who are foolish enough to maintain that when God made man in His image, this means His physical body. Yet this is not the case, for at that time God had not yet adopted a human form, so it has to be understood to mean the soul, which is immaterial intellect, and which will resemble God until the end of time. He endowed both male and female with this soul, which He made equally noble and virtuous in the two sexes. (Pizan, 1999, 21–23). Mais aucuns sont si folz que ilz cuident quant ilz oyent parler que Dieu fist homme a son ymage que ce soit a dire du corps meteriel. Mais non est, car Dieu n’avoit pas lors pris corps humain, ains est a entendre de l’ame qui est esperit intellectuel et qui durera sans fin a la semblemce de la deité, laquelle ame Dieu crea et mist aussi bonne, aussi noble en toute pareille en corps femenin comme ou masculin (ed. Richards, 1997, 78).
- 9.
For Pizan’s take on the medieval adaptation for the Metamorphoses, the Ovide Moralisé, see Griffin (2009).
- 10.
Souventes fois soubz figure de metaphore, c’est maintes secretes sciences et pures veritez. Et avoir mains entendemens, et lors est la poisie belle plusieurs ententes et que on la puet prendre a divers (ed. Dulac & Reno, 2001, 3).
- 11.
This theme is explored at length by Robertson (2017).
- 12.
Pizan, Mutacion de Fortune, I, vv. 388–96, 413–19: Mais il failli a son entente, /Car rna mere, qui ot pouoir /Trop plus que lui, si voult avoir /Femelle a elle ressemblable, /Si fus nee fille, sanz fable; /Mais y tant fist pour lui rna mere /Que de toutes choses mon pere /Bien ressemblay et proprement, /Fors du sexe tant seulement. […] Mais, pour ce que fille fu nee, /Ce n’estoit pas chose ordenee /Que en riens deusse amander /Des biens mon pere, et succeder /Ne poz a l’avoir qui est pris /En la fonteine de grant pris, /Plus par coustume que par droit. (ed. Solente, 1959, 20–21.).
- 13.
I develop these arguments elsewhere. See Schmidt, Christine de Pizan on defining womankind in The Book of the City of Ladies, 2020 (in print).
- 14.
[…] philosophes, poetes, tous orateurs desquieulx les noms dire seroit longue chose, semble que tous parlent par une mesmes bouche et tus accordent une semblable conlcusion, determinant les meurs femenins enclins et plains de tous les vices. Ces choses pensant a par moy tres parfondement, je pris a examiner moy mesmes et mes meurs comme femme naturelle, et semblabmement discutoye des autres femmes que j’ay hantees, tant princesses, grandes dames, moyennes et petites a grant foison, qui de leur grace m’ont dit de leurs privetez et estroictes pensees, savoir mon a jugier en conscience et sanz faveur se ce peut estre vray ce que tant de nottables hommes, et uns et autres, en tesmoignent (ed. Richards, 1997, 42). The words between brackets were altered by me.
- 15.
The Querelle de la Rose is considered the first public debate in defense of women. It involved Christine de Pizan and important names in the French humanism, as Jean de Montreuil, Gontier Col, and Jean Gerson. The debate amounts to an exchange of letters held in 1401–1404 containing evaluations of Jean de Meun’s celebrated Romance de la Rose, which verses present misogynistic views and an offensive vision of love, incompatible to the courtly ideals. See McWebb (2006).
- 16.
And there is more, my God! Let us look a little further! How can his excessive, impetuous, and false accusations, insults, and defamation of women—whom he accuses of several great vices and perverse habits—possibly be valid and purposeful? His appetite for such statements and examples seems insatiable. […] Moreover, he speaks unnecessarily and defamingly of married women who terribly betray their husbands, though he cannot know about the married state from experience, and thus can only speak about it in general terms. What good does this do, and what can come of this? Et ancore, pour Dieu! regardons oultre un petit: en quelle maniere peut estre valable et a bonne fi n ce que tant et si excessivement, impettueusement et tres nonveritablement il accuse, blasme et diffame femmes de plusieurs tres grans vices et leurs meurs tesmoigne estre plains de toute perversité; et par tant de repliques et auques en tous personnages ne s’en peut saouler. […] Et ancore, tant supperfl uement et laidement parla des femmes mariées qui si deçoivent leurs maris–duquel estat ne pot savoir par experience et tant en parla generaument: a quelle bonne fi n pot ce estre et quel bien ensuivre? McWebb (2006, 124–7).
- 17.
Jean de Montreuil (1354–1418) studied at the Collège de Navarre, seen as a foyer d’humanistes. In 1390 he becomes secretary to the king, Charles VI. See Ouy (1973).
- 18.
Christine’s Reaction to Jean de Montreuil’s letter (June/July 1401): A moult souffi sant et sçavent personne, maistre Jehan Jonhannez, secretaire du roy nostre sire, et Prevost de Lille. Reverence, honneur avec recommandacion, a vous mon seigneur le prevost de Lille, tres cher sire et maistre, sage en meurs, ameur de science, en clergie fondé et expert de rethorique, de par moy Cristine de Pizan, femme ignorant d’entendement et de sentement leger – pour lesquelles choses vostre sagece aucunement n’ait en despris la petitece de mes raisons, ains vueille supployer par la consideracion de ma femenine foiblece […]; mais soit nottée la ferme et grant opinion qui me muet contre aucunes particularitéz qui ou dit sont comprises – et, au fort, chose qui est dicte par oppinion et non de loy commandee se puet redarguer sans prejudice. Et combien que ne soie en science apprise ne stillee de lengage soubtil (dont sache user de belle arenge et mos pollis bien ordenéz qui mes raisons rendissent luisans), pour tant ne lairay a dire materiellement et en gros vulgar l’oppinion de mon entente, tout ne la sache proprement exprimer en ordre de paroles aournees. (Ed. and transl. McWebb, 2006, 117–8).
- 19.
Christine’s Response to Pierre Col (October 2, 1402): Pour ce que entendement humain ne peut estre eslevé jusques a haultesse de clere cognoiscence d’enterine verite attendre des choses occultes (par l’offuscacion grosse et terrestre qui l’empesche et tolt vraie clarté), convient par oppinion plus que de certainne science determiner des choses ymaginées plus voirsamblables: pour celle cause sont esmeues souventes fois diverses questions–mesmement entre les plus soubtilz – par oppinions contraires, et chascun s’efforce de monstrer par vive raison son oppinion estre vraye. Et que l’experience en soit magnifeste est clere chose, ce pouons nous veoir par nous mesmes presentemente […]. (McWebb, 2006, 141).
- 20.
Christine’s Reaction to Jean de Montreuil’s (June/July 1401): Et ne croiéz, chier sire, ne aucun autre n’ait oppinion, que je die ou mette en ordre ces dites deffences par excusacion favourable pour ce que femme sui: car veritablement mon motif n’est simplement fors soustenir pure verité si comme je la sçay de certaine science estre au contraire des dictes choses de moy nyées. Et de tant comme voirement suis femme, plus puis tesmoingnier en ceste partie que cellui qui n’en a l’experience, ains parle par devinailles et d’aventure. (ed. and transl. McWebb, 2006, 128–9) The term between brackets was replaced by me.
- 21.
Mary Anne C. Case addresses Pizan’s recourse to her personal experience as a mean to reclaim authority and give voice to oppressed women, focusing on the issues of epistemic injustice and jurisprudence. See Case, 1998.
- 22.
Now, if you turn your mind to the very highest realm of all, the realm of abstract ideas, think for a moment whether or not those philosophers whose views against women you have been citing have ever been proven wrong. In fact, they are all constantly correcting each other’s opinions, as you yourself should know from reading Aristotle’s Metaphysics where he discusses and refutes both their views and those of Plato and other philosophers. Don’t forget the Doctors of the Church either, and Saint Augustine in particular, who all took issue with Aristotle himself on certain matters, even though he is considered to be the greatest of all authorities on both moral and natural philosophy. You seem to have accepted the philosophers’ views as articles of faith and thus as irrefutable on every point. (Pizan, 1999, 8). Regardes se les tres plus grans philosophes qui ayente esté que tu argues contre ton mesmes sexe en ont point determine faulx et au contraire du vray et se ilz reppunent l’un l’autre et reprennent, si comme tu mesmes l’as veu ou livre de la Methaphisique, la ou Aristote redargue et reprent leurs oppinions et recite semblablement de Platon et d’autres. Et nottes derechef se saint Augustin et autres docteurs de l’Eglise ont point repris mesmement Aristote en aucines pars, tout soit dit le prince des philosophes et en qui philosophie naturelle et morale fu souverainement. Et il semble que tu cuides que toutes parole des philosophes soient article de foy et que ils ne puissant errer. (ed. Richards, 1997, 48).
- 23.
By the way, that is precisely the objective Pizan is pursuing in the Book of the City of Ladies, where her experience is reinforced by other argumentation strategies, as the study of history, myths, and the Scriptures, insofar as they allow the identification of female exempla from different times and contexts. They will be applied as models of conduct as well as evidence to persuade her readers of the real potential of women. Pizan is seeking to make space for what we could call a “female body of knowledge”, with the aid of the muses—Lady Reason, Lady Justice, and Lady Rectitude—symbolizing atemporal wisdom.
- 24.
We know that Pizan was quite familiar with Aristotle’s Metaphysics through Aquinas’ commentary. See Dulac and Reno (1995).
- 25.
- 26.
Thomas Aquinas, In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio, I, 1, 22: Unde cum ars sit universalium, experientia singularium, si aliquis habet rationem artis sine experientia, erit quidem perfectus in hoc quod universale cognoscat; sed quia ignorat singulare cum experimento careat, multotiens in curando peccabit: quia curatio magis pertinet ad singulare quam ad universale, cum ad hoc pertineat per se, ad illud per accidens.
- 27.
Thomas Aquinas, In duodecim libros Metaphysicorum Aristotelis expositio, I, 1, 25: […] illi qui sciunt causas et propter quid, sunt scientiores et sapientiores scientibus tantum quia.
- 28.
On the influence of Augustin’s Confessions over Petrarch’s valorization of the authority of personal experience, see Amtower (2000, 79–121).
- 29.
My God, what a biased exhortation! And, Indeed, since he insults all women, I am forced to believe that he did not know nor was he acquainted with any honorable and virtuous woman, but, having known only fallen ones who led sinful lives, as the lecherous tend to do, he thought he knew—or claimed to know—that they must all be like this. And if he had only insulted the dishonorable ones and counseled men to flee them, he would have given a good lesson. But no, he accuses them all, without exception. Dieux! quelle exortacion! comme elle est prouffitable et vrayement puis que en general ainsi toutes blasma, de croire par ceste raison suis contrainte que oncques n’ot acoinctance ne hantise de femme honnorable ne vertueuse, mais par plusieurs femmes dissollues et de male vie hanter – comme font communement les luxurieux –, cuida ou faingni savoir que toutes teles feussent, car d’autres n’avoit congnoissance et se seulement eust blasmé les deshonnestes et conseillié elles fuir, bon enseignement et juste seroit. Mais non! ains sans excepcion toutes les accuse. (McWebb, 2006, 126–8).
- 30.
Thomasset (2007, 70), a historian of medicine, writes about the androcentric view that doctors had of the female body in medieval anatomy treatises.
- 31.
I say ‘integrate’ because Pizan’s main argument for the perfectibility of women rests in understanding nature as dependent on God’s perfection ad his agency (as its efficient and final cause). ‘Oh Lord, how can this be? Unless I commit an error of faith, I cannot doubt that You, in your infinite wisdom and perfect goodness, could make anything that wasn’t good. Didn’t you yourself create woman especially and then endow her with all the qualities that you wished her to have? How could you possibly have made a mistake in anything? Yet here stand women not simply accused, but already judged, sentenced and condemned! I cannot understand this contradiction. (Pizan, 1999, 7). Ha ! Dieux, comment peut cecy estre ? Car se je ne erre en la foy, je ne doy mie doubter que ton infinie sapience et tres parfaicte bonté ait riens fait qui ne soit bon. Ne formas tu toy mesmes tres singulierement femme et dés lors lui donnas toutes teles inclinacions qu’il te plaisoit qu’elle eust ? Et comment pourroit ce estre que tu y eusses en riens failli ? Et toutevoyes voycy tant de si grandes accusacions, voire toutes jugees, determinees et concluses contre elles. Je ne scay entendre ceste repugnance. (ed. Richards, 1997, 44).
- 32.
La Cité des Dames, I, 9: Un autre petit livre en latin vy, Dame, qui se nome Du secret des femmes, quid it de la composition de leurs corps naturel moult de grans deffaulx […] Tu peus congnoistre par toy mesmes sanz nulle autre preuve, que cellui livre fu fait a voulenté et faintement colouré, car si tu l’as veu, ce te peut estre chose magnifeste que il est traicitié tout de mençonges. Et quoyque aucuns dient que ce fist Aristote, il n’est mie a croire que tel philosophe se feust chargié de si faictes bourdes, car par ce que les femmes pevent clerement par espreuve savoir que aucune chose que il touche ne sont mie vrayes, ains pures bourdes, pevent elles conlcurre que les autres particularitez dont il traicte sont droites mençonges. (ed. Richards, Milano, 1997, 76).
- 33.
- 34.
De Secretis mulierum, Chap. X: It should be noted and record in the memory that elderly women who have the menstrual flow, or some who most of the time have the flow withheld, if they look closely at children lying in their cradles, poison their eyes by the glance, as Albert says in the treatise On the Menses. This is caused firstly in menstrual flow from women who suffer from it, but also in the ones who do not suffer from it. Those who suffer from menstrual flow, which moves throughout the body during menstruation, firstly infect the air, since this matter is directed primarily to the eyes, and infects them due to its subtlety and porosity; then the infected eyes infect the air; then the infected air infects the child once it reaches her. Est eciam notandum et diligenter memorie imprimendum quod mulieres antique quibus menstrua fluunt vel quedam ut in pluribus quibus menstrua retenta sunt, sepe si inspiciant pueros in cunis iacentes toxicant eos visu, ut ait Albertus tractatu suo De menstruis mulierum. Causa autem huius est et primo reddetur causa in habentibus et fluentibus menstruo et deinde in aliis quibus non fluunt. Hee quidem quibus fluunt menstrua, que tempore fluxus per totum corpus moventur, primitus inficiunt aerem, quia ista materia primo vadit ad oculos et inficit eos propter subtilitatem et porositatem oculorum. Oculis enim infectis inficiunt aerem. Aere enim infecto inficitur puer cui iste aer advenit. (ed. Barragén Nieto, 2012, 452–3; my translation).
- 35.
Fille chere ne t’espouvantes, car nous ne sommes mie cy venues pour ton contraire, ne faire aucun encombrier, ais pour toy consoler comme piteuses de ta turbacion et te giter hors de l’ignorance, qui avugle ta mesmes congnoissance que tu deboutes de toy ce que tu ne scez de certaine Science, et ajoustes foy a ce que tu ne scez ne vois ne cognois autrement fors par pluralité d’oppinions estranges. Tu ressembles le fol, dont la truffe parle, qui em dormant au molin fu revestu de la robe d’une femme et au reveiller, pour ce que ceulx qui moquoyent lui testemoignoient que femme estoit, crut mieulx leurx dis que la certaineté de son estre. (ed. Richards, Milano, 1997, 46).
- 36.
Mais se femmes eussent les livres fait/Je sçay de vray qu’autrement fust du fait,/Car bien scevent qu’a tort sont encoulpées,/Si ne sont pas a droit les pars coupees,/Car les plus fors prenent la plus grant part,/Et le meilleur pour soy qui pieces part. L’Espitre au Dieu d’Amours, vv. 417–422, apud Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, in: The Selected Writings of Christine de Pizan, 299.
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Schmidt, A.R. (2022). Pour ce que Femme Sui: Female Perspective and Argumentation in Christine de Pizan’s Writings. In: Lopes, C., Ribeiro Peixoto, K., Pricladnitzky, P. (eds) Latin American Perspectives on Women Philosophers in Modern History. Women in the History of Philosophy and Sciences, vol 13. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-00288-5_10
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-00288-5_10
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Publisher Name: Springer, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-031-00287-8
Online ISBN: 978-3-031-00288-5
eBook Packages: Religion and PhilosophyPhilosophy and Religion (R0)