Abstract
This chapter explores the intersection of white and male supremacy, both of which misrepresent women as genetically and intellectually inferior and reduce them to reproductive and/or sexual functions. The white power movement historically has been characterized by sexism and misogyny, as evidenced by the movement’s attempts to retain European heritage and maintain whiteness by policing the behavior and controlling the bodies of white women. However, the influence of white supremacist discourses on physically violent manifestations of the male supremacist movement remains largely understudied. Using supervised machine learning, we compare a corpus of violent male supremacist manifestos and other multimodal content with highly influential white nationalist texts and the manifestos of violent white supremacists to identify the shared beliefs, tropes and justifications for violence deployed within.
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Notes
- 1.
The SPLC breaks down its Hate Map by ideology (e.g., anti-immigrant, anti-LGBTQ, Holocaust denial, male supremacy, etc.).
- 2.
Following the Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS), we recognize the difference between the incel identity and violent misogynist incel ideology (Recommendations for Media Reporting on Incels– Institute for Research on Male Supremacism, n.d.). Although we use the term “incel” throughout the body of this chapter, the materials on which the analysis is based originate from misogynist incels who have committed acts of mass violence.
- 3.
Carian et al. (2021) mount a compelling argument for considering male supremacy as a political ideology. Following Freeden (2003), we view political ideology as “a set of ideas, beliefs, opinions, and values that (1) exhibit a recurring pattern (2) are held by significant groups (3) compete over providing and controlling plans for public policy (4) do so with the aim of justifying, contesting or changing the social and political arrangements and processes of a political community” (p. 32).
- 4.
Networked harassment is common in both white supremacist and masculinist spaces.
- 5.
The perpetrator of the 2018 Toronto van attack.
- 6.
Not all those who identify as incel also identify as male. In fact, the movement was founded by a woman in the late 1990s, and there are femcels (women who identify as incel), as well as LGBTQ+ individuals who identify as incel. Misogynist incels like those in our corpus, however, would suggest women cannot be involuntarily celibate.
- 7.
Beauchamp (2019) describes the black pill as bundling a “sense of personal failure with a sense of social entitlement: the notion that the world owes them sex, and that there is something wrong with a society in which women don’t have to give it to them.”
- 8.
Jennings (2018) defines sexual Marxism as “a system in which every person is somehow matched with a partner of a similar level of wealth and attractiveness.”
- 9.
Incels are the most recent iteration of violent male supremacism. We highlight incels throughout the chapter but it is important to note that many of the group’s beliefs around anti-feminism, recuperative social policy, etc. predate the incel movement and can be seen in earlier violent misogynist writings as well. We do not see them as distinct from violent male supremacism, as both are driven by violent manifestations of misogyny.
- 10.
Banet-Weiser and Miltner (2016) define networked misogyny as a “virulent strain of violence and hostility toward women in online environments” (p. 171).
- 11.
This symbiotic relationship also exists between white supremacist movements and the broader, more mainstream, white supremacist culture, which feed off one another and reach wider audiences due to the rise of online platforms, blurring the lines between white supremacist and far-right conceptions of gender and race (Ferber, 2004).
- 12.
Far-right media executive and former President Trump advisor Steve Bannon noted as early as 2007 that gamers and other “alienated young men” offered untapped political potential (Rosenthal, 2020, p. 143). GamerGate was a 2014 hashtag campaign that began with an angry ex-boyfriend abusing his former girlfriend online but quickly transformed into the networked harassment—including doxing, death and rape threats—of many prominent women working in the video game, or gaming, industry. GamerGate confirmed Bannon’s beliefs about the political potential of these groups, and he responded by launching the career of right-wing populist misogynist pundit Milo Yiannopoulos at Breitbart (Rosenthal, 2020).
- 13.
The Camp of the Saints first appeared in French. We used the English translation for this project.
- 14.
We have removed the police officer’s questions and document narrations for a more clear focus on the belief structure of Minassian himself.
- 15.
We do not take the position that Marc Lepine, Seung Hui Cho and George Sodini are post-facto incels because we see inceldom as a new social movement arising from long-term violent male supremacism. However, Lepine, Cho and Sodini are regularly praised within the incel movement and are connected to it through violent misogyny.
- 16.
Elliot Rodger committed the 2014 Isla Vista massacre; Scott Paul Beierle, the 2018 Florida yoga studio attack; Chris Harper Mercer, the 2015 Umpqua college attack; Alek Minassian, the Toronto, Canada van attack; Marc Lépine, the 1989 École Polytechnique shooting in Montreal, Canada; Seung Hui Cho, the 2007 Virginia Tech killings; George Sodini, the 2009 aerobics class murders in Collier Township, Pennsylvania; and, Tobias Rathjen, the 2020 Hanau, Germany mass shooting.
- 17.
Common words between the two corpora within the top 25 include: life/live/living, people and world. Common words within the top 50 include: day(s), women, kids/children and call(ed). Common words within the top 100 include: party, schools, left, black and found. Common words within the top 150 include: future, social, white, reason, police, past, family, understand, set, completely, front and finally. Common words in the top 200 include: power, home, means, mind, middle, kill(ed), single, change, act and lost.
- 18.
Artifacts occur when topics within a model are semantically similar and, thus, coherent but are not humanly interpretable. For example, a topic could include words like “good,” “well,” “right” and “much,” which are all positively loaded words that may express desire and are, therefore, semantically similar but provide no context for human interpretation.
- 19.
The SHTF scenario is sometimes referred to as accelerationism, the idea that increased social chaos will break down the existing political system; however, SHTF is not necessarily caused by white supremacists but can be the result of any number of social upheavals or even natural disasters, whereas accelerationism is specifically caused by white supremacist actions.
- 20.
Justiciar was a medieval term for English and Scottish rulers. Anders Breivik wrote that he was a justiciar knight commander for the Knights Templar Europe and a leader in the pan-European Patriotic Resistance Movement. The Knights Templar was a medieval-era Catholic military order. Similarly, the PCCTS knights is a fictional group noted in Breivik’s manifesto created to deploy guerrilla warfare against multiculturalists.
- 21.
Picric acid is a component in military-grade explosives.
- 22.
Themes that reflect a plot by outside aggressors include Clash of Civilizations, Racial Hegemony, Religious Violence, SHTF Scenario, The Great Replacement, White Genocide and Immigration. These themes are not mutually exclusive and may appear in more than one aspect of this narrative.
- 23.
Themes that reflect a concern around internal do-gooders include Racial Hegemony, Cultural Marxism, Civil War, White Rebellion and Education.
- 24.
Themes that reflect fears about a disappearing ethno-European identity include Racial Hegemony, SHTF Scenario, The Great Replacement, White Genocide, Immigration, Civil War and White Rebellion.
- 25.
Qualitatively, the outlier to this pattern is Virginia Tech shooter Seung Hui Cho. Although his manifesto is deeply misogynist and espouses extensive narratives of rape and sexual violence, he is not focused primarily on women. It also provides evidence of a god complex and a serious pre-occupation with fairness, justice and inspiring future violence.
- 26.
Not coincidentally, Idaho is one of five Northwestern U.S. states identified by a growing traditionalist political movement for evangelicals and self-described libertarians to relocate to be among likeminded people. This is a similar strategy to some white nationalist groups who call for a white ethnostate or Pioneer Little Europe communities.
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Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the members of the Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies Working Group for providing very helpful comments on drafts of this chapter and Dr. Dror Walter for his assistance with the computational analysis. This research is partly funded by the Canadian Network for Research on Terrorism, Security, and Society’s Major Research Project, titled Misogyny, Gender and Engagement in the Extreme Right Movement.
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Pruden, M.L., Lokmanoglu, A.D., Peterscheck, A., Veilleux-Lepage, Y. (2022). Birds of a Feather: A Comparative Analysis of White Supremacist and Violent Male Supremacist Discourses. In: Perry, B., Gruenewald, J., Scrivens, R. (eds) Right-Wing Extremism in Canada and the United States . Palgrave Hate Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99804-2_9
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