Abstract
This chapter moves from surface aspects of ‘chav’ as a term to inside aspects of ‘chav’ as a semiotic object, attempting to illustrate how it could emerge, how it came to be recontextualized in diverse figures and events, and how it is still circulating through social space, creating temporary unities among disparate events, and morphing into ever changing objects. The suggestion is that, ultimately, ‘chav’ appears to be just another way of wording ‘difference.’
Section 4.1 explores the emergence of ‘chav’ as an enregistered emblem and reflects on its dissemination through “physical artifacts.” In particular, through mass mediated ones characterological figures have surfaced. Wide and diversified uptake of both artifacts and figures has followed through each individual’s personal metasemiotic work.
Section 4.2 analyzes some of the events through which ‘chav’ has been progressively recontextualized in diverse figures and events through different acts of performance and diversity of uptakes.
Section 4.3 focuses on the intimidating and fearmongering undertones of the semiotic construct, exploring the fil rouge running between the chav, the hoodie, and the black.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
On this point, consider Bennett’s discussion of chav-spotting texts as a way of recontextualising people “as phenomena to be spotted, in ways equivalent to types of vehicle or tree” (Bennett, 2013: 150).
- 3.
The social Other is produced through repeated acts of positioning and evaluation.
- 4.
“Instantiations of types, in real-time encounters, are the tokens of types […]: they occur as part of singular, real-time events. It is only in the realm of […] the humanly experienced, real-time world that signs and objects can be noticed, taken up, and connected by people’s conjectures” (Gal & Irvine, 2019: 94, emphasis in the original).
- 5.
“Potentials of quality […], when embodied and experienced as cultural categories, are qualia […]. In the everyday world, it is qualia and tokens that conjectures take up and connect.” (Gal & Irvine, 2019: 95, emphasis in the original) On qualia, also see the Special Issue of Anthopological Theory edited by Harkness and Chumley (2013). In particular, Chumley and Harkness contend that “qualia are not just subjective mental experiences [The Encyclopedia of Consciousness defines them as the “‘raw feels’ of sensory experience such as the redness of red, the timbre of an instrument, or the scent of a specific flower,” Haynes, 2009: n.p.] but rather sociocultural events of ‘qualic’—and qualitative—orientation and evaluation” (Chumley & Harkness, 2013: 3).
- 6.
By using ‘othering’ here, I intend to convey the manner in which social group dichotomies are represented in discourse through binary oppositions which lead to judgments of superiority and inferiority between ‘us’ and ‘them.’
- 7.
The critical stance is encoded in the linguistic choice of having the pronoun ‘them’ precede the presentation of the individuals it is meant to substitute. Through this discursive practice, chav girls are positioned unequally on the femininity scale and categorized as alien.
- 8.
Agha defines a semiotic register as “a register where language use is not the only type of sign-behavior modeled, and utterance not the only modality of action.” (Agha, 2007: 81); register is a cultural model of action which links “repertoires to stereotypic indexical values” (Ibidem).
- 9.
A 2016 Telegraph article on “athleisure wear” still pictures Vicky Pollard in her Kappa tracksuit with six kids of different ethnicities, each in their pram, lining up in front of her (Proud, 2016).
- 10.
This choice may be seen as part and parcel of the “diversity commitments” philosophy that BBC has explicitly espoused (BBC, 2020).
- 11.
The expression “white working-class” should be used cautiously. Bhambra (2016) clearly articulates the issues with using it and how it often expunges the multi-ethnic nature of the working class: the working class is not white. However, the term “Essex girl” has been historically applied to white women belonging to the working class.
- 12.
See Androutsopoulos’s reflections about language and identity, 2014.
- 13.
- 14.
Prison whites are “expensive trainers favoured by rap stars and their acolytes; the implication is that such shoes are worn by young black men, who are de facto criminals” (Green’s Dictionary of Slang, 2011[2010]: n.p.).
- 15.
Agha explains that “communicative encounters–whether they involve two people, or two million–are fragments of communicative chain processes” (Agha, 2007: 69).
- 16.
Enregisterment is performed through “processes and practices whereby performable signs become recognized (and regrouped) as belonging to distinct, differentially valorized semiotic registers by a population” (Agha, 2007: 81). Variation is reanalyzed into register distinctions through ideology.
- 17.
Loughnan et al. 2014 shows that a perception of animality is a cross-culturally valid component of low-SES (Socio-Economic Stereotype).
- 18.
See Hamilton’s interesting window onto the reasons some families articulate to explain their choice of engaging in conspicuous consumption. The scholar interviewed 30 families and found an emphasis, among low-income consumers, and single mothers in particular, on an attempt to improve the standard of living for their families through access to the ‘right’ brands. These coping strategies to achieve approval in turn “fuel further stigmatization and, instead of creating inclusion, have the opposite outcome of exclusion and marginalization” (Hamilton, 2012: 74).
- 19.
Positioning oneself in relation to an interaction, in terms of evaluation, i.e., expressing one’s attitude to such qualities.
- 20.
Di Martino 2019 contends that chav-related articles have genre-specific features.
- 21.
About Price, see Heeney’s reflections on how lifestyles and moral respectability may be called into question even for “causing or even fabricating particular disabilities in the first place.” (Heeney, 2015: 650) Indeed, Price’s receipt of welfare benefits for her son caused a heated debate which reopened old discussions about the fairness of welfare support for the “undeserving poor”.
- 22.
Rahman, 2004: n.p.
- 23.
Eckert, 2008: 463.
- 24.
“Tastes in food also depend on the idea each class has of the body and of the effects of food on the body, that is, on its strength, health and beauty, and on the categories it uses to evaluate these effects, some of which may be important for one class and ignored by another, and which the different classes may rank in very different ways. Thus, whereas the working classes are more attentive to the strength of the (male) body than its shape, and tend to go for products that are both cheap and nutritious, the professions prefer products that are tasty, health-giving, light and not-fattening. Taste, a class culture turned into nature, that is, embodied helps to shape the class body” (Bourdieu, 1996[1979]: 190).
- 25.
Incidentally, while explaining that McDonald’s has been widely cited “as the stomping ground of the ‘chav’,” Moran (2007: 552) contends that Americanized fast-food outlets are the obvious descendants of the original milk bars which Richard Hoggart describes in a famous passage of The Uses of Literacy (Hoggart, 2009[1957]) (See also Wyatt, 2004 and Moran, 2005).
- 26.
Ross and Stein contend that “Teen TV has the potential to raise considerations of marginality on a regular basis. Perhaps because Teen TV probes such a wide range of culturally weighted categorical divides, and also because of its recurring engagement with questions of identity and self-discovery, some of the programs […] go beyond addressing specific teen issues to negotiate questions about class, race, gender, and sexuality” (Ross & Stein, 2008: 9).
- 27.
Resonating the creator’s words, Donaghy, 2009 labels them “asbo teens.”
- 28.
See Day’s contention that current TV shows focusing on the parenting practices of those who take part encourage forms of “intensive parenting” (Hays, 1996), normalizing middle-class ways of being and living as being unquestionably ‘correct.’ However, “the ability to ‘micro-manage’ children’s lives in this way depends on having the time and material resources to do so, which are more likely to be available to middle-class than working-class parents [but attributed on such shows] to a lack of knowledge or just sheer laziness” (Day, 2020: 118).
- 29.
Brewis and Jack explain that “Chavinism takes several commodity forms, including gay men […] listening to or watching recordings of chavs having sex (eg, by downloading onto a mobile phone) or even seeking ‘real’ sex with tracksuit-wearing, baseball-cap-sporting youths (eg, by going to ‘chav nights’ at gay clubs, in cities such as London, Manchester and Brighton).” (Ibidem) Exploring the opposite perspective, das Nair and Hansen (2012) emphasize the exploitation of chav identities by those who choose to make their bodies desirable and economically marketable in the pornography industry by looking like chavs.
- 30.
“(W)hile the male chav has value in one context, value created by his use as a sexual object, such value is based on a continual assertion of his worthlessness. The chav remains an object—before, during and after his use—of disgust, filth and repudiation” (Johnson, 2008: 79).
- 31.
The issue would require fuller treatment in a separate chapter. However, this volume is certainly not the locus where it could be accorded the required recognition.
- 32.
Thornton notes that “[t]he material conditions of youth’s investment in subcultural capital (which is part of the aestheticized resistance to social ageing) results from the fact that youth, from many class backgrounds, enjoy a momentary reprieve from necessity […] Freedom from necessity […] does not mean that youth have wealth so much as that they are exempt from adult commitments to the accumulation of economic capital. In this way, youth can be seen as momentarily enjoying what Bourdieu argues is reserved for the bourgeoisie, that is the ‘taste of liberty or luxury.’ British youth cultures exhibit that ‘stylization of life’ or ‘systemic commitment which orients and organizes the most diverse practices’ that develops as the objective distance from necessity grows (Bourdieu, 1996[1979]: 55–6)” (Thornton, 2003[1995]: 160–161).
- 33.
Hughes argues, for example, that the characters of the 2012 British crime drama film Ill Manors (written and directed by rapper and actor Ben Drew AKA Plan B) face the lack of moral boundaries as “necessary, pragmatic and functional to survival”:
Katya steals a pram and a purse to save her baby and escape the sex-slave nightmare she has had to endure. Michelle prostitutes herself to feed her drug habit, which provides her with the only means of escaping her past. Aaron works for Ed selling drugs to afford the bare minimum life essentials. These examples illustrate the fluidity of moral and legal boundaries in the context of surviving at the margins of society. To survive in a neoliberal economy and with no capital to exchange, to some extent the only means by which these characters can acquire money to live is by eschewing their morality and becoming dehumanised in the process. It becomes apparent that the economic and social limitations this group endure force them to behave in this manner. (Hughes, 2018: 250)
- 34.
Tastes (likes/dislikes and styles of appreciation) are often mobilized as distinction strategies that can draw firm symbolic boundaries or can be used to police them. This is confirmed by an empirical analysis of British comedy taste drawing on a large-scale survey and in-depth interviews (Friedman, 2011, 2014).
- 35.
Gal and Irvine name such differentiations recursivity because “the distinctions are repeated, in linked and positioned comparisons. The recursions are relative judgments, creating categories of objects that are self-similar. The comparisons produce analogies: diagrammatic icons within diagrammatic icons, indexically invoked in specific situations. As in all analogies, the terms and distinctions are never perfectly replicated. What remains the same is the principle of contrast that is established, and the similarities that result, through qualities arrayed on one axis of differentiation. We label these repetitions fractal because each contrast repeats a pattern within itself, in a way that resembles fractal patterns constructed in geometry” (Gal & Irvine, 2019: 129–130, emphasis in the original).
- 36.
See also Oliver, 2004 (n.p.):
I don’t care if you are Tony Blair …
… you’re not coming in dressed like that
The cream Burberry polo shirt sported by the holidaying Tony Blair this week may have gone down well at Silvio Berlusconi’s villa in Sardinia. But he better not try wearing anything from the classic English designer if he fancies popping out for a pint in Leicester. To do so would run the risk of being confused with one of the binge-drinking hooligans on whom his government has declared war. Drinkers wearing Burberry have been banned from two pubs in the city centre because it is one of the favourite designers of a group of thugs.
- 37.
See Day, 2020’s recap of research conducted on the issue of discourses around labor and the consideration that the current dominant discourse, which also regulates readings from media texts, both excludes the idea that voluntary community work and other forms of unpaid labor are ‘real’ work, and only considers waged labor as essential for positive mental health and wellbeing despite evidence that workplaces can be ‘toxic’ environments.
- 38.
Featherstone (2013) effectively describes the hoodie as “the capitalist other.”
- 39.
Writing from a different perspective, Bell illustrates how the Romany ‘chav’ has recently come “full circle, now negatively imposed from the outside” (Bell, 2015: 127–128) through the re-inscription of Romanés communities’ identities––also precariously related with whiteness (Nayak, 2009)––as chavs in such reality and post-documentary television programs as Big Fat Gypsy Weddings (BFGW, 2010), Thelma’s Gypsy Girls (2013) and Big Fat American Gypsy Weddings (BFAGW, 2012–). Indeed, the scholar argues that “[a]s traditional GRT [Gypsies, Romanies and Travellers] ways of life and livelihood are increasingly dying out, the ‘romantic gypsy’ of the nineteenth century imagination gives way to the anti-social ‘gyppo,’ ‘pikey’ or ‘chav’.” (Bell, 2015: 130) Also consider Jensen & Ringrose, 2014, which contends that whereas the female ‘chav’ is regarded as excessively aggressive, the ‘gypsy bride’ is portrayed as deserving of the reader’s pity.
To fully appreciate how ‘chav’ functions as a pervasive cultural trope, also see Bullen’s arguments about the exaggerated traits of wags as chavs and the latter’s choice “to write their own stories to counter these critiques [and] attempt to dispel stereotypes or provide alternate images” (Bullen, 2014: 145).
- 40.
Wong explains that multifacetedness and indexical expansiveness may “increase the propensity of an indexical sign to become perceived as an icon: a […] feature that is multifaceted is more likely to be indexically expansive, and the more indexical linkages that a […] feature evokes, the easier it is to weave a complex story around it” (Wong, 2021: 66).
- 41.
Irvine and Gal draw on the Peircean view of rheme as “a Sign which, for its interpretant, is a Sign of qualitative possibility, that is, is understood as representing such and such” (Peirce, 1940 [1897, 1903, 1910]): 103).
- 42.
Hayward & Yar, 2016[2011] contend that “the reality of groups of young people, nearly exclusively dressed in sportswear, who engage in minor forms of unruly behavior in and around town centres, entertainment zones and certain fast-food outlets” is only the latest articulation of the phenomenon of marginalized youths “occupying public space(s) and falling foul of both the authorities and public opinion” (Hayward & Yar, 2016 [2011]: 535). The two scholars also give an account of the “plethora of (highly derogatory) terms” which emerged in the 1990s to label such phenomenon and the related style. These terms were characterized by distinct geographical variation.
- 43.
Tyler contends that because the underclass is imagined as a race and not a class, their poverty and disadvantage are conceived as “not economic or even properly political issues, but as a hereditary condition, a disease” (Tyler, 2013: 188, emphasis in the original).
- 44.
On the bogan issue, see also Pini et al. 2012.
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Di Martino, E. (2022). The Chav. In: Indexing ‘Chav’ on Social Media. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96818-2_4
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