Abstract
Nearly every biography of Mary Tudor mentions her acquisition of the Kingdom of Naples and the Spanish kingdoms through her marriage to Philip Habsburg, later Philip II of Spain, but they say little about her role as queen consort, primarily because she failed to control the narrative of her reign. She made little effort to patronize writers, disperse her symbols, send images of herself, use masculine terminology like her grandmother Isabel of Castile, or involve herself in the governance of her Mediterranean kingdoms. Her real and symbolic absence in the south, and the presence of Doña Juana, Philip’s sister and the capable regent of the Spanish kingdoms in his absence, led to her marginalization. This has had long-lasting consequences for the historiography of her reign, as historians have generally confined themselves to studying her in her English context using the gendered language of early Spanish writers while omitting her entirely from Naples.
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- 1.
See, for example, Anna Whitelock, Mary Tudor: England’s First Queen (London: Bloomsbury, 2009), 237–239; Judith M. Richards, Mary Tudor (New York: Routledge, 2008), 142–160; David Loades, Mary Tudor: A Life (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 224–226; H. F. M. Prescott, A Spanish Tudor (London: Constable, 1940), 351–352. The emphasis on Mary’s rule in England to the exclusion of her Mediterranean kingdoms is complicated by the surviving sources. Both the Spanish and Neapolitan archives have suffered extensive losses. Philip’s chancellery documents were lost on his return to Spain in 1559, while German soldiers destroyed the State Archives of Naples at Montesano Villa in World War II.
- 2.
None of the following mentions Mary: Céline Duvard, Church and State in Spanish Italy: Rituals and Legitimacy in the Kingdom of Naples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020); Thomas James Dandelet and John A. Marino, eds., Spain in Italy: Politics, Society, and Religion 1500–1700 (Boston: Brill, 2007); Pier Luigi Rovito, Il viceregno spagnolo di Napoli: Ordinamento, Istituzioni, Culture di Governo (Naples: Arte Tipgrafica, 2003). None of these books mentions Mary.
- 3.
María Jesús Pérez Martín, María Tudor: La Gran Reina Desconocida (Madrid: Ediciones Rialp, 2018). All translations are mine unless otherwise noted.
- 4.
Pérez Martín, María Tudor, 20.
- 5.
Alexander Samson, Mary and Philip: The Marriage of Tudor England and Habsburg Spain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2020); John Edwards, Mary I: England’s Catholic Queen (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011).
- 6.
For examples of early English accounts of her reign, see John Foxe, Acts and Monumentes of These Latter and Perilous Days (London, 1563); Thomas Dekker and John Webster, The Famous History of Sir Thomas Wyat with the Coronation of Queen Mary, and the Coming in of King Philip (London: Edward Allde for Thomas Archer, 1607).
- 7.
G. R. Elton, Reform and Reformation: England, 1509–1558 (London: Edward Arnold, 1977), 376.
- 8.
A. F. Pollard, The History of England from the Accession of Edward VI to the Death of Elizabeth (1547–1603) (London: Longmans Green, 1910; reprinted New York, 1969), 172.
- 9.
Conyers Read, The Tudors: Personalities and Practical Politics in 16th Century England (New York: H. Holt, 1936; reprinted Freeport Books for Libraries, 1968), 144.
- 10.
Loades, Mary Tudor, 8.
- 11.
John Guy, Tudor England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 227.
- 12.
Glyn Redworth, “‘Matters Impertinent to Women’: Male and Female Monarchy under Philip and Mary,” The English Historical Review, 112:447 (Jun., 1997), 598–599.
- 13.
Barbara F. Weissberger, “Tanto monta: The Catholic Monarchs’ Nuptial Fiction and the Power of Isabel I of Castile,” in The Rule of Women in Early Modern Europe, eds. Anne J. Cruz and Mihoko Suzuki (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 43–63. For more on Isabel’s use and control of images for political ends, see Felipe Pereda, Images of Discord: Poetics and Politics of the Sacred Image in Fifteenth-Century Spain, translated by Consuelo López-Morillas (London: Harvey Miller, 2019).
- 14.
See, for example, Samson, Mary and Philip; Edwards, Mary I; Whitelock, Mary Tudor; Richards, Mary Tudor; Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor: Renaissance Queen of England,” in High and Mighty Queens of Early Modern England: Realities and Representations, eds. Carole Levin, Debra Barrett-Graves, and Jo Eldridge Carney (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 27–43; Carole Levin, The Heart and Stomach of a King: Elizabeth I and the Politics of Sex and Power (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).
- 15.
Samson, Mary and Philip, 1.
- 16.
The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor, September 4, 1553. “Spain: September 1553, 1–5,” in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, ed. Royall Tyler (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1916), 197–211. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp197-211.
- 17.
The Ambassadors in England to the Emperor, September 4, 1553. “Spain: September 1553, 1–5,” in CSP, Spain, 11:197–211. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp197-211.
- 18.
Simon Renard to Prince Philip, October 29, 1553. “Spain: October 1553, 26–31,” in CSP, Spain, 11:316–331. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp316-331.
- 19.
Simon Renard to the Bishop of Arras, August 15, 1553. “Spain: August 1553, 11–20,” in CSP, Spain, 11:162–176. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp162-176.
- 20.
Samson, Mary and Philip, 52–81.
- 21.
Henry Kamen, Philip of Spain (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 57. Charles’s personal envoy Juan de Figueroa, regent of Naples, brought the news to England. Edwards, Mary I, 189.
- 22.
José Ignacio Tellechea Idígoras, “Fray Bartolomé Carranza: A Spanish Dominican in the England of Mary Tudor,” in Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartolomé Carranza, eds. John Edwards and Ronald Truman (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005), 28.
- 23.
January 1, 1554. “Spain: January 1554, 1–10,” in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 12, 1554, ed. Royall Tyler (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1949), 1–20. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp1-20. Neither Philip nor his representatives were present for the marriage negotiations, which were conducted between Mary’s English representatives and Charles V’s imperial ones. When Philip and his Iberian councilors finally saw the treaty, they issued an Ad cautelam on January 4. This legal document guarded their interests in the event of unforeseen contingencies. Op. cit.
- 24.
Francisco de Eraso to Ruy Gómez de Silva, November 30, 1554. “Spain: November 1554, 16–30,” in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 13, 1554–1558, ed. Royall Tyler (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1954), 96–112. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp96-112.
- 25.
Christine Shaw, Barons and Castellans: The Military Nobility of Renaissance Italy (Boston: Brill, 2014), 209.
- 26.
Simon Renard to the Emperor, July 2, 1554. “Spain: July 1554, 1–15,” in CSP, Spain, 12:300–312. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol12/pp300-312. The original French can be found in Richard Wistreich, Warrior, Courtier, Singer: Giulio Cesare Brancaccio and the Performance of Identity in the Late Renaissance (New York: Ashgate, 2007), 43.
- 27.
Cafarello was one of Renard’s informants. Richard Wistreich argues that the woman was either Barbara Hawke or Barbara Rice. Warrior, Courtier, Singer, 43.
- 28.
Mary had issued a proclamation in February 1554 to expel “seditious aliens” who were “fleeing from the obeisance of the princes and rulers under whom they be born.” Paul L. Hughes and James F. Larkin, eds., Tudor Royal Proclamations: Vol. 2 The Later Tudors (1553–1587) (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969), 31.
- 29.
Edwards, Mary I, 255–257.
- 30.
Kamen, Philip of Spain, 61–62.
- 31.
Philip himself tried to mediate between the Holy Roman Empire and France for the first nine months of his marriage, so such a move would not have been unfamiliar. Redworth, “Male and Female Monarchy,” 610.
- 32.
Loades, Mary Tudor, 267.
- 33.
Prescott, A Spanish Tudor, 453.
- 34.
Edwards, Mary I, 282–283.
- 35.
Loades, Mary Tudor, 268.
- 36.
Whitelock, Mary Tudor, 286.
- 37.
Philip increasingly saw England as a useless expense and focused on his Continental territories instead. Federico Badoer, Venetian Ambassador to the Emperor, to the Doge and Senate of Venice, March 15, 1556. “Venice: March 1556, 1–15,” in Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555–1558, ed. Rawdon Brown (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1877), 361–376. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp361-376.
- 38.
January 1, 1554. “Spain: January 1554, 1–10,” in CSP, Spain, 12:1–20. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp1-20.
- 39.
Alessandro Andrea, De la guerra de campaña de Roma, y del Reyno de Napoles: en el Pontificado de Paulo IIII, Año de M.D.LVI y LVII (Madrid: Casa de la Viuda de Querino Gerardo, 1589).
- 40.
Alexander Samson, “A Fine Romance: Anglo-Spanish Relations in the Sixteenth Century,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 39:1 (2009), 82–84.
- 41.
A second letter from a Spanish gentleman who accompanied Philip to England, addressed to a gentleman of Salamanca, October 2, 1554. “Spain: October 1554, 1–15,” in CSP, Spain, 13:55–71. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp55-71.
- 42.
Simon Renard to the Emperor, September 18, 1554. “Spain: September 1554,” in CSP, Spain, 13:39–55. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp39-55. As to outraging foreigners, on August 21, 1554 the Privy Council committed John Cartwright, a servant of the “Countes of Southampton,” to the Marshalsea “for his evill demeanour to Ruy Gomes of the Kinges Pryvie Chambre.” Acts of the Privy Council of England, Volume 5, 1554–1556, ed. John Roche Dasent (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1892), 65. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/acts-privy-council/vol5/pp51-75. The following year on July 2 the Privy Council commended an alderman of Canterbury for aiding some of Philip’s servants who had been robbed and wounded while they were coming from Dover with wine for the king. Op. cit., 155. Later in 1555 a Spaniard who was one of the queen’s solicitors was robbed in Fleet Street. Op. cit., 185. Spanish complaints of ill treatment continue in the records of the Privy Council for the next two years.
- 43.
Andres Muñoz, Viaje de Felipe II a Inglaterra (orig. Zaragoza: Esteban de Nagera, 1554), ed. Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, 15 (1877), 64.
- 44.
Agostino Borromeo, “Felipe II y la tradición regalista de la Corona española,” in Felipe II (1527–1598): Europa y la Monarquía Católica, ed. José Martínez Millán, Volume 3 (Madrid: Parteluz, 1998), 111.
- 45.
David Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government and Religion (New York: Routledge, 1991), 23. See also Joanne Paul, Counsel and Command in Early Modern English Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 122–144.
- 46.
An account of what has befallen in the realm of England since Prince Philip landed there, written by a gentleman who accompanied the Prince to England and was present at all the ceremonies, in the shape of a letter to another gentleman, a friend at Salamanca, August 17, 1554. “Spain: August 1554, 16–31,” in CSP, Spain, 13:71–76. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp71-76. When A. F. Pollard critiqued Mary’s government in the early twentieth century, he read Mary’s relationship with her Council quite differently. In spite of attempts to prevent “Philip from converting his titular dignity to anti-national purposes,” he wrote, “no safeguards could control Mary’s affection for her lord, or compel her to follow the wishes of her privy council.” The History of England, 158.
- 47.
Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, August 23, 1554. “Spain: August 1554, 16–31,” in CSP, Spain, 13:71–76. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp71-76.
- 48.
Simon Renard to the Emperor, September 3, 1554. “Spain: September 1554,” in CSP, Spain, 13:39–55. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp39-55.
- 49.
The use of Latin and especially Castilian Spanish violated the terms of the marriage agreement, which insisted that no other languages be used. Redworth, “Male and Female Monarchy,” 601.
- 50.
Geoffrey Parker, Imprudent King: A New Life of Philip II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), 85.
- 51.
Philip’s creation of the Select Council was in line with his general desire to reorganize his territories into specific conciliar regions. Until 1556 the Council of Aragon oversaw the Habsburgs’ Italian possessions (Naples, Sicily, and Milan), but in that year Philip created the Council of Italy to administer them instead. Manuel Rivero, “The Court of Madrid and the Courts of the Viceroys,” in A Constellation of Courts: The Courts and Households of Habsburg Europe, 1555–1665, eds. René Vermeir, Dries Raeymaekers, and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2014), 62.
- 52.
Parker, Imprudent King, 85.
- 53.
Cardinal Sigüenza to Cardinal Granvelle, December 22, 1554, Cartas a Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, Obispo de Arrás, Biblioteca del Palacio Real II-2286, ff. 326–329. He wrote, “Yo no se por donde me comencasse encarecer esta Reduction de Inglaterra a la obedencia de la iglesia y creo que su magd. y la magd. del Rey se pueden tener por los mas bien aventurados hombres que ha havido grandes tiempos.” For further praise, see Luis Sarmiento to Francisco de Eraso, February 25, 1555, in Archivo General de Simancas, Legajo E 377, f. 126.
- 54.
Muñoz wrote, “Ya se recoge el ganado / Inglés que andaba perdido / Por el pastor que allá es ido / Recójase ya Albión / Y conozca el bien que tiene / Pues el tal, que le conviene / Para la fé y salvación / Penitencia y communión / De nuevo ha constituido / Por el pastor que allá es ido.” Viaje de Felipe II a Inglaterra, 82–83.
- 55.
Muñoz, Viaje de Felipe II a Inglaterra, vi.
- 56.
Martín Fernández de Navarete, ed., Colección de documentos inéditos para la Historia de España, Volume 3 (Madrid: Academia de la Historia, 1843), 431.
- 57.
Francisco Garrido de Villena, El Verdadero Sucesso de la Famosa batalla de Roncesvalles, con la muerte de los doze pares de Francia, dirigida al Serenissimo, Alto y muy Poderoso señor don Carlos de Austria Infante de las Españas, &c. nuestor Señor (Valencia: Joan de Mey Flandro, 1555), f. 100v. Two stanzas down from this, Garrido plays off the name Mary, intertwining the work of the Virgin Mary and “Maria Ynglesa.”
- 58.
Bartolomé Carranza de Miranda, Comentarios sobre el Catechismo christiano (Antwerp: Martín Nucio, 1558), f. ¶5r. Carranza was in England, but he published in Spanish, meaning that he intended his fellow Spaniards to read his work.
- 59.
Carranza de Miranda, Comentarios, ff. ¶4v-¶5r. English Bibles were not printed during Mary’s reign because Catholic theologians were deeply unsatisfied with the extant translations. However, they were not actively suppressed. Cardinal Pole planned a Catholic translation of the Bible, or at least the New Testament. Other Marian authors included the Psalms and some Gospel passages in English in their popular primers for the laity. William Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor’s Church (New York: Ashgate, 2006), 252–253; Alexandra Walsham, “Unclasping the Book?: Post-Reformation Catholicism and the Vernacular Bible,” Journal of British Studies, 42:2 (2003), 150. Lucy Wooding observes that some Englishmen believed the queen had an interest in biblical scholarship and saw her as a “champion of scripture.” Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford: Clarendon, 2000), 119. Carranza himself included many passages of Scripture in his Comentarios.
- 60.
José Ignacio Tellechea Idígoras, Felipe II y el Papado: Colección de Breves pontificios (1550–1572), Volume I (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 2004), 14.
- 61.
Tellechea Idígoras, Felipe II y el Papado, 29.
- 62.
Samson, “A Fine Romance,” 87. See also Glyn Redworth, “Nuevo mundo u otro mundo? Conquistadores, cortesanos, libros de caballerías y el reinado de Felipe el Breve de Inglaterra,” in Actas del Primer Congreso Anglo-Hispano, eds. Richard Hitchcock and Ralph Penny, Volume 3 (Madrid: Castalia, 1994), 113–125. Castilian Spanish imprints of Amadís de Gaula used the term “la gran Bretaña” for England/Britain. See, for example, Los quatro libros del invencible Cavallero Amadís de Gaula, Volume 1 (Louvain: Servais van Zassen, 1551), ff. 27–28.
- 63.
Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, August 12, 1554. Fernández de Navarete, ed., Colección de documentos inéditos, 3:531. “Sabe muy bien pasar lo que no es bueno en ella para la sensualdiad de la carne.”
- 64.
Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, July 27, 1554. “Spain: July 1554, 16–31,” in CSP, Spain, 12:312–322. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp312-322.
- 65.
Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, July 29, 1554. “Spain: July 1554, 16–31,” in CSP, Spain, 12:312–322. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp312-322. The reference came after Doña Juana sent Mary a present of “dresses and coifs.”
- 66.
Ruy Gómez de Silva to Francisco de Eraso, July 29, 1554. “Spain: July 1554, 16–31,” in CSP, Spain, 12:312–322. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp312-322.
- 67.
A second letter from a Spanish gentleman who accompanied Philip to England, also addressed to a gentleman of Salamanca, October 2, 1554. “Spain: October 1554, 1–15,” in CSP, Spain, 13:55–71. British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol13/pp55-71.
- 68.
Maria Cristina Quintero, Gendering the Crown in the Spanish Baroque (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012), 61.
- 69.
Sending a portrait of a proposed spouse during royal marriage negotiations was common in sixteenth-century Europe. Henry VIII, Mary’s father, had famously sent Hans Holbein the Younger to paint his future fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, and her sister in 1539. When he met Anne at Rochester Abbey the following year, he believed she did not fit the image conveyed in her portrait and shortly thereafter ended the marriage.
- 70.
Joanna Woodall, “An Exemplary Consort: Antonis Mor’s Portrait of Mary Tudor,” Art History, 14:2 (1991), 206.
- 71.
Antonis Mor, Mary Tudor, Queen of England, Second Wife of Philip II (1554), Museo del Prado, Spain.
- 72.
This painting is now in the Museo de Bellas Artes, Bilbao, Spain. P. G. Matthews, “Portraits of Philip II of Spain as King of England,” The Burlington Magazine, 142:1162 (Jan., 2000), 13, 15. Matthews comments on the miniature of Philip but does not mention Mary’s absence.
- 73.
Sarah Duncan, Mary I: Gender, Power, and Ceremony in the Reign of England’s First Queen (New York: Palgrave, 2012), 109–110.
- 74.
Garrido de Villena, El Verdadero Sucesso, f. 17r. Garrido’s work is a panegyric to both Spain and the royal family.
- 75.
Helen Nader, Power and Gender in Renaissance Spain: Eight Women of the Mendoza Family, 1450–1650 (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2004), 155.
- 76.
Anne J. Cruz, “Juana of Austria: Patron of the Arts and Regent of Spain, 1554–1559,” in The Rule of Women in Early Modern Europe, 103–122. See also Jeremy Roe and Jean Andrews, eds., Representing Women’s Political Identity in the Early Modern Iberian World (London: Routledge, 2020), especially Chapters 6 and 7.
- 77.
Kamen, Philip of Spain, 70; Carmen Sanz Ayán, “La regencia de doña Juana de Austria. Su dimension humana, intellectual y política,” in Felipe II: La Monarquía y su época: La Monarquía Hispánica (Madrid: Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial, 1998), 139.
- 78.
Samson, Mary and Philip, 12.
- 79.
Diogo Homem, The Queen Mary Atlas (1558), British Library Add MS 5415A, f. 10r. It has been digitized at http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/Viewer.aspx?ref=add_ms_5415_a_f001r.
- 80.
Alexander Samson, “Mapping the Marriage: Thomas Geminus’s ‘Britanniae Insulae Nova Descripto’ and ‘Nova Descriptio Hispaniae’ (1555),” Renaissance and Reformation, 31:1 (2008), 95.
- 81.
Samson, “Mapping the Marriage,” 100. Thomas Geminus, Britanniae insulae nova descriptio (London: Thomas Geminus, 1555). Now in the Bibliothèque nationale de France.
- 82.
Thomas Geminus, Nova descriptio Hispaniae (London: Thomas Geminus, 1555). Now in the Bibliothèque nationale de France.
- 83.
Samson, “Mapping the Marriage,” 100.
- 84.
For a contemporary Spanish description of Mary’s Parliament and a comparison of the two, see Florián de Ocampo, Noticias de varios sucesos acaecidos, desde el año de 1521 hasta el 1558, Biblioteca Nacional de España MSS 9937, Volume 2, ff. 135r–153v.
- 85.
Loades writes that she lacked judgment and confidence in conciliar matters. The Reign of Mary Tudor, 38.
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———. Nova Descriptio Hispaniae. London: Thomas Geminus, 1555. Bibliothèque nationale de France.
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Secondary
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Kern, D. (2022). A Narrative That Was Not Her Own: Mary I as Mediterranean Queen. In: Schutte, V., Hower, J.S. (eds) Writing Mary I. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95132-0_5
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