Abstract
Sino-Russian security and economic cooperation has broadened and deepened in non-linear but progressive fashion since the late 1990s. Contra realism, it is not simply American material power that drives this increasing cooperation; U.S. power has at best remained constant. Instead, two conditions combine to deepen Sino-Russian cooperation. First, enduring liberal hegemony, or a combination of material power, prestige, and soft power, makes America threatening, under broad conditions, to any authoritarian regime’s domestic power and foreign influence. Second is the steady twenty-year movement of Russia’s regime under Vladimir Putin away from liberal democracy and toward a China-style authoritarian capitalism. These two conditions make cooperation on either side of the liberal-nonliberal ideological divide increasingly easier than cooperation across it. Several types of qualitative evidence support these claims, including: (1) private and public statements from both Beijing and Moscow on the liberal-democratic threat and efforts to prevent “color revolutions”; (2) specific deepening of bilateral cooperation after the Ukrainian revolution of 2014; (3) efforts by Moscow and Beijing to counter liberal hegemony’s spread in their regions; (4) the tendency for anti-liberal elites in neighboring states to cooperate more with China or Russia. I address realist counter-arguments skeptical of any systematic causal role for ideology. Insofar as America tires of its role as liberal hegemon, or the “China Model” becomes so prestigious as to threaten the Putin regime, the impetus to Sino-Russian cooperation identified here will fade.
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Notes
- 1.
For an innovative set of measures of international cooperation, leading to the conclusion that Russia and China are moving closer to an alliance, see Alexander Korolev’s article in this volume. For corroboration of improving Sino-Russian relations, see Larson, this volume, and Yoder, this volume.
- 2.
Walt’s concept of threat also includes geographic proximity and offensive military capabilities. Andrew Kydd (this issue) argues that advances in American nuclear technology have increased its relative offensive capabilities and can explain the cooperative trend in Sino-Russian relations. I address this argument below.
- 3.
- 4.
I thank Brandon Yoder for helping me think through these conditions.
- 5.
It was not so during the Cold War, in what was called the Third World. See Owen and Poznansky (2014).
- 6.
Lithuania and Poland border Kaliningrad Oblast, a small slice of Russia on the Baltic Sea separated from the rest of the country. Ironically, Kaliningrad (under its German name Königsberg) was home to the eighteenth-century Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant, whose thought remains so influential to liberal internationalism.
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Acknowledgements
The author thanks Brandon Yoder, Ted Hopf, and two anonymous referees for helpful comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and Thomas Billebault for research assistance. Any errors of fact or reasoning are the author’s sole responsibility.
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Owen, J.M. (2022). China and Russia Contra Liberal Hegemony. In: Yoder, B.K. (eds) The United States and Contemporary China-Russia Relations. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93982-3_6
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