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State and (Non)religion: Perspectives from Nones in Oslo

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Abstract

This paper discusses how nonreligious individuals in Oslo, Norway, relate to politics of religion. Moreover, it shows how different subcategories of nones differ in such questions. It is reasonable to argue that the current politics of religion in Norway predominantly caters for formal affiliation with religious and nonreligious institutions, which has implications for how (non)religion is represented in politics, law and institutional practices such as education. Engaging nonreligious individuals in conversations about such politics is interesting on several levels. One of the key findings in this article is that both humanists and indifferent ones are political when talking about religion in Oslo, Norway. But they are so in different ways. While the humanists are concerned about the political management of (non)religion, the indifferent are more so regarding the internal affairs of faith and worldview communities. The ‘members only’ approach to (non)religion by the state apparatus dominates, which means that, e.g., the religiously indifferent (e.g., possibly formally affiliated with the Church of Norway) are completely overlooked. Such negligence is visible in the common assumption that ‘Norwegians are Christian’ as 70% are members of the church, which is legitimising the privileged position of the Church of Norway and identity politics striving to pair national identity with a Christian heritage. Studying contemporary nones in Oslo nuances such hegemonic discourses, which at the end of the day challenges how (non)religion is dealt with in politics, law and institutional practices.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The interviews are conducted for my PhD project (forthcoming). All interviews are conducted, transcribed and analysed by me. All informants are subscribed pseudonyms. The project is approved by the Norwegian Centre for Research data (NSD Project No. 52604) and in compliance with their ethical requirements for empirical research.

  2. 2.

    For instance, Sivert Urstad (2018) applies a substantial definition of nonreligion in a Norwegian context, which is defined by lack of belief ‘in anything transcendent, whether it be God(s), energies or a higher power of any sort’ (Urstad 2018: 135). In my own research, I apply a more inductive approach, which allows my informants to define their non-religiosity as long as they profess no affiliation with religion and religiosity themselves. However, there are few (2 out of 20) in the ‘spiritual, not religious’ category in my sample. I find it adequate to keep these in my study as I have learned that individuals might, for instance, respond positively to questions like ‘do you believe in souls’ while in general terms being rather indifferent to faith and worldviews and (quite often) quite critical to religion. In my opinion, they represent an intriguing facet of the people inclined to tick the box ‘none’ when prompted with recognised faith and worldview categories.

  3. 3.

    For official English translation of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Norway as amended in 2018, English translation, see https://www.stortinget.no/globalassets/pdf/english/constitutionenglish.pdf (accessed 23.04.2019).

  4. 4.

    For official English translation of the Education Act, see https://www.regjeringen.no/contentassets/b3b9e92cce6742c39581b661a019e504/education-act-norway-with-amendments-entered-2014-2.pdf (accessed 14.05.19).

  5. 5.

    This is also emphasised by the humanists who states that a ‘humanistic worldview is inherently non-dogmatic’, meaning that there are no such things as ‘right answers’ to any ethical or political questions (www.human.no, my translation, accessed August 31, 2020).

  6. 6.

    ‘Our Christian cultural heritage’ (vår kristne kulturarv) is a recurring phrase in Norwegian political discourses, naturally heavily invoked by the Christian Democrats but also across the political spectrum but in different fashions, and it is increasingly called upon for the purpose of identity politics and arguably a token of protectionism (e.g., in debates on immigration).

  7. 7.

    ‘Established church’ is the wording in the official English translation of the Norwegian Constitution, while in the Norwegian version, it is labeled folkekirke – ‘folk church’, which gives slightly different associations. I am nonetheless comfortable using ‘established church’ as its current status corresponds with how that term is used in academic literature (e.g., Day 2011; Eberle 2011; Plesner 2016)

  8. 8.

    https://human.no/om-oss/english/

  9. 9.

    In 2007, the Norwegian state was found guilty in violation of the Covenant of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by the European Court of Human Rights, Strasbourg. For analysis, see Slotte (2011) and ECHR case: https://hudoc.echr.coe.int/eng#{%22itemid%22:[%22001-72,492%22].

  10. 10.

    For further discussion, see From (2018).

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Correspondence to Erlend Hovdkinn From .

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From, E.H. (2022). State and (Non)religion: Perspectives from Nones in Oslo. In: Zwilling, AL., Årsheim, H. (eds) Nonreligion in Late Modern Societies. Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92395-2_10

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