1 Introduction

This book has provided a perspective on the sociology of migration in southern Africa. It is widely acknowledged that Africa is historically differently positioned from other continents and that the relations within the continent are more complex in their specific, geographic and historical ways. The specific focus on southern Africa is indicative of and acknowledges the different dynamics in the various parts of Africa. This book moves away from the traditional approach in the literature, which views the African continent as homogenous with only shared characteristics. The continent has vast religious, linguistic, racial, national, ethnic, historical, economic, and geopolitical differences. While the focus of the book is on southern Africa, far-reaching empirical and theoretical conclusions can still be drawn because some of the migratory experiences discussed in this book are shared across countries in the context of a broader Global South. These commonalities are often characterised by unequal distribution of resources that shape the socio-economic and political dynamics of migration in the Global South.

Nevertheless, the contextual specificities rooted in the socio-historical, as well as theorisations informed by situated contemporary meanings and complexities of the migratory experiences on the continent, make southern African migration unique. Some of the contextual specificities include the history of labour migration, the economic depression, political uncertainties that have shaped migratory processes over decades, gendered vulnerabilities and unfavourable sexual and health-related experiences, the eruption of xenophobia, feminisation and the precariousness of labour, historical and reimagined African identities, and emerging questions of exclusion and inclusion. These thematic areas expose how existing definitions and experiences of internal or cross-border migrants are shaped by historical intersections of race, class, nationality and gender, among other categories central to the formation of a migrant identity in southern Africa.

The rationale for the focus on a sociology of migration from the South is that there has been an overwhelming growth in the migration of African people beyond their countries but within African borders. All of these have caused us to want to provide a sociology of migration which provides Southern perspectives on global migration experiences, debates and frameworks. This book is cognizant that most Africans migrate within the continent after failing, or realising that it would be more difficult for them, to cross borders into other continents. Hence, some travel within the continent is a second option or even a step towards eventually migrating beyond the African borders.

There are three main gaps in literature that this book has tried to address. Firstly, research on migration to and from Africa is not given the prominence it deserves in the global migration literature; even when it is written about, attention is given to authors from outside the African continent to write Africa and theorise about migration to Africa. On the same note, this book decisively shifts away from defining or charaterising Africa in terms such as “developing countries”, “low-income countries”, “third world”, “poor world”, and “non-Western world” (Hollington et al., 2015:8) because of the negativity that is associated with all these phrases. Secondly, race, class, nationality and gender are issues which are typically examined separately, and this book has relied on intersectional theoretical underpinnings to move away from that separatist framing. Thirdly, this book departs from seeing rural-urban migration as safe, intimate, feminine and local, while cross border migration is risky, masculine, exploratory and global. Furthermore, in the field of migration, scholars normally write either about rural-urban/urban-rural migration or international migration, assuming that there are no similarities or relationships between the two. This book, however, incorporates the two types of migration, rural-urban and international migration, and looks at the complexities and challenges which are shared by both types. In doing so, it has provided a peculiar lens through which rural-urban and international migration will be considered.

2 What Is an African Migrant Identity?

Misgun, in this volume, argues that construction and reconstruction of identities in migrant spaces, renegotiation of new identities, carefully balancing that which should be conserved and that which should be changed or could be let go, influenced by one’s migration objectives are important in defining an African migrant identity. Batisai, Rugunanan and Kaziboni in this volume have called for a redefinition of what it means to be a migrant in Africa when you are African. They have advocated for more inclusive ‘Africanness’ and African identities, while not ignoring the differences and complexities, which abound. The book investigated the various levels of migration, moving from cross-border migration to more internal and regional migration, which is inclusive of local (rural to urban and urban to rural) migration. It looked at how migrants make meaning of their circumstances in a ‘foreign’ space, among other avenues of inquiry. This book has evoked and given serious attention to the importance of the history of migration and generational change, aspects that we have noted as absent in many studies on migration.

The book begins by proposing new ways of theorising migration in the southern African region, arguing that traditional Western conceptions do not fully address South-South migration processes and dynamics. This book acknowledges the intertwined issues of gender and class as important in analysing migration processes. Critical and intertwined issues of race, nationality, class and gender were woven in by authors in dynamic and interesting ways. One of the interesting ways to demonstrate the complexity of African migrants in Africa is that they cannot only be categorised as either low skilled or highly skilled. The everyday lived experiences of migrants reflect a varied reality.

One example is that of highly educated and qualified migrants who, upon reaching South Africa, cannot take up employment in their field of expertise. Instead, they undertake menial jobs for various reasons. Firstly, it could be because they are undocumented. Secondly, it could be because there is already high unemployment in South Africa and they cannot find jobs they are qualified for. Thirdly, their qualifications might not be recognised by the South African Qualifications Authority. Finally, and most importantly, it is often because the South African immigration policy prioritises South Africans and clearly states that migrants should only be employed if they have critical skills and on condition that they will train South Africans. Migrants in such cases are always found to be willing to take anything, for the sake of survival. They persevere, they are resilient, they are hard working, and they are determined.

In this volume, Misgun tackled the difficulties encountered by governments and transnational bodies as they try to “integrate” locals with migrants. The complexity is in attempting to integrate migrants with locals who in their individual groupings are intrinsically and intricately divided. Integration and its processes feature as dynamics flowing in and through the everyday interactions and discourses within migrant groups as well as with the receiving society. He posits, departing from the notion of “us” and “them”, that integration, as a mode of incorporating the “other”, seeks to re-mark, instead of unmark, “other” bodies and the spaces they occupy. Despite formal and institutional strategies and policies of integration, individuals have their own kinds of strategies. The tensions among these claims and tactics appear to carry the possibility both for division and fracture, and for cohesion and solidarity. This is exactly what needs to be borne in mind as the redefinition and renegotiation of African identities are tackled.

This book uses South Africa’s constitutional framework and basic human rights as lenses through which migrants and their identities may be understood. It relies on South African policy and legislation around migration, refugees, asylum seekers, workers and workers’ rights to frame and critique the official position of authority. It does this because South Africa has been constructed as an attractive destination which many Africans run to for refuge, asylum, and easier access to socio-economic prosperity, political freedom, a friendly constitution and free education. Migration is not just a choice and lifestyle but largely involuntary and forced. It is a “poverty reduction strategy” or a “survival strategy” for many Africans.

3 Why Migrate from South to South?

South Africa has deeply entrenched historical migratory roots, dating as far back as 1886 to the discovery of gold. Some of the attractive points in favour of South Africa are its cultural similarities and geographic location, which allow for easier and faster access; similar and shared histories, sometimes with shared forefathers’ migration trajectories; and a business-friendly environment in which migrants are able to use their entrepreneurial skills to set up small businesses and create livelihoods. Although South Africa has also been in the spotlight for xenophobic attacks, and immigration controls have become stricter over the past few years, South Africa remains the country of choice, even if it is not totally voluntary nor option number one.

This is partly why this book has a strong focus on South Africa. The other reason is that all the authors are in one way or the other institutionally affiliated with South Africa, although they individually come from many different parts of the continent and beyond. This can be viewed as a strength or a limitation of this book, since the role of South Africa has already been critiqued by a lot of people for various reasons, including playing the “big brother” role to other African countries. Hadebe has argued in this volume that “… as an agent of South African capital, the South African state is responsible for policies that undermine African economies; it is responsible for policies that extract wealth from Africa into South Africa, and it is responsible for policies that are extracting the capital of the continent”. He further argues that, most often, the media and policy makers underplay the benefits from super-exploitation of cheap labour and instead amplify the supposed drain on social services such as health, education, housing and water due to the “influx of aliens”.

An additional critique is that South Africa supports the in-migration of skilled and professional people and does not welcome low-skilled or semi-skilled foreign workers, who constitute the bulk of undocumented migrants to the country (Peberdy, 2009). A recurring sentiment has been expressed at national level that “migrants” would be competing with local populations for already scarce resources and that they burden access to employment, housing and healthcare (Klotz, 2013).

Restrictive legislation, xenophobic violence, high unemployment and crime rates, criminalising undocumented migrants (stripping them of rights by denying them legal identity), and unfriendly sentiments between local and international migrants render South Africa less desirable for settlement. Gordon demonstrates in this volume that there is a need to investigate public participation in anti-immigrant hate-crime in the African context. He further shows that there is no empirical justification for stereotypes that suggest that foreign nationals are a major cause of unemployment or crime. Rather, the evidence he presents suggests that immigration is a positive force in the country. Moreover, he argues the importance of considering the relationship between public opinion and policy in South Africa. An overemphasis on borders and security in policy and discourse only increases threat perceptions amongst the public.

4 Child Migrants

After criticisms against always looking at women migrants as wives who migrate when they follow their partners, there is now literature arguing that women do migrate independently. By asserting their right to work, women also asserted their rights and agency away from their normal and sometimes oppressive environments. The migration of women has led to the rising feminisation of labour on the continent, that has led to the marketization of childcare within households. What this book does in addition to that scholarly contribution is to look at children and mothers on the move. This book also takes into serious consideration and analysis the presence of children in the migration processes. The subject of children is largely ignored by many scholars, as are the complicated positions that women with children (mothers and guardians) find themselves in.

Upon mentioning the benefits of remittances, Mokoena and Khunou and Batisai have highlighted the often-ignored issue of parental absence and specifically maternal absence when women – when mothers – decide to migrate for livelihood procurement purposes. These authors demonstrate that a familial support system is important, and mostly serves as a foundation upon which women take decisions to migrate and leave their families behind. However, it does not compensate for biological mothering. Onukogu has outlined that the mothers who take their children with them on migration journeys or who have children born at the destination suffer some negative consequences, such as their children being bullied, discriminated against and called names such as migrant children and refugee children. They also deal with issues of identity, in the official, administrative sense (the legal identity documentation), as well as in the socio-political sense of belonging. Migrant children employ resilience and significant agency in overcoming daily hurdles associated with being a migrant.

Chiyangwa and Rugunanan, as well as Onukogu, take a special interest in the second generation children who are based in South Africa. It is through their work that we were able to see the intersection between education and migration. Most acknowledged and researched is higher education and migration; however, this book has presented the often-ignored intricacies of basic education and migration through the lived experiences of children. Among other things, these scholars engaged with issues of the second generation migrant children’s access to and success in basic education in South Africa.

Mokoena and Khunou’s and Rugunanan’s chapters show that women sometimes have to leave their children behind in order to capitalise on the available social capital offered by their families. Mokoena and Khunou, as well as Xulu-Gama, directly engage with the so-called comprehensive social grant system, which is a big differentiator between who is South African and who is a migrant. While it is called comprehensive, it is means-tested, and only those with a South African identity document can apply for it. This leaves out many migrants who are in need of this grant, especially migrant women with children.

5 Migrant Workers Eke Out a Livelihood

The chapters that directly engage with work and workers in this volume include contributions by Xulu-Gama et al., Machinya and Lorgat. Some of these works demonstrate the difficulties, challenges, marginalisation and alienation that African foreign migrants experience in their efforts to make a livelihood in South Africa, either through formal employment as shown by Xulu-Gama et al. and Lorgat, or through informal employment, as shown by Machinya. Work and livelihood procurement are the main reasons that people migrate. Work is generally an all-encompassing term; trade unions in South Africa are dedicated to serving the interests of workers collectively. Although the South African legislation is restrictive, by only showing interest in and welcome to highly skilled workers, it still does not find fault with or put blame on workers who work without documentation. Instead it finds fault with the employers who take undocumented workers in, with the intention of exploiting them as they lack security.

Several scholars in this volume have criticised the universalist paradigms that view workers as a homogenous entity, making mention that these are too broad to be able to consider and take care of individual or minority cases of the poorest of the poor migrants. Scholars have argued that seeing migrants as general workers is not practical when some segments of workers are protected by certain policies and legislations while others are not. Migration-related issues are largely left unspoken in the trade union meetings because they do not affect the majority of workers. Migrants themselves do not feel confident to raise specific issues related only to migrants, as their marginal and minority status is strongly felt. While the approach of treating everyone as equal seems positive, it does not reflect the lived experiences of the workers, and hence it is dangerous in the sense that it easily neglects serious differences, thereby further exacerbating inequalities among the workers on the basis of, for example, race, gender or nationality.

On the other hand, a particularistic approach targets migrant workers as members of specific ethnic communities, or as migrants with specific social and workplace needs (Alberti et al., 2013). Using a particularistic approach would allow for interpreters in different languages in order to cater for the language difficulties that most migrants experience when they are in foreign countries. This would also facilitate trade unions creating space for employment, welfare and community advice for migrants, because many of them are in desperate need of such services. The most important item that could benefit the migrant workers if trade unions used a particularistic approach would be the unions’ active role in the development of advocacy activities to influence the government’s immigration policy (Alberti et al., 2013), particularly since it has been noted to be too restrictive and unfriendly towards migrants, specifically with regard to the low skilled and undocumented.

Since seeking work opportunities is one of the key reasons for migration, the general conclusion is that there is a need for organised labour to organise beyond its traditional base of formal employment. Civil society, and organised labour in particular, should play a proactive role in the integration and socialisation of the newcomers, who would have been legally permitted to stay. It is important to strengthen research and documentation on labour migration in southern Africa, especially from pro-worker perspectives. The juxtaposition suffered by local migrants is also acknowledged by Hadebe, who argues that precarity and vulnerability are not confined to migrant labour, especially undocumented labourers, but affect local workers too, due to the growth of unemployment and competition, with a pool of cheaper migrant labour.

Contributions on internal labour migration by Xulu-Gama, Mokoene and Khunou, Oksiutycz and Azionya show the different points of departure of locals and migrants and how that makes it difficult for migrants to compete for jobs and livelihoods on an equal plane with locals. Both these groups withdraw from different sources of social capital and government social grant support. Foreign national migrants usually have a different educational background and they mostly carry with them many skills and much training experience. The difficulties which they would have experienced in their home countries, which sometimes would have caused their migration, puts them on a different footing in terms of their motivation and zeal to succeed.

Oksiutycz and Azionya look at how local and migrant workers are affected by the manifestation of informal settlements as the most visible material display of internal and cross-border migration. They show how both local and international migrants are negatively affected by the lack of delivery of basic service needs. They further explain how the consequences include locals blaming and attacking cross-border migrants. It also leads to a distrust of governmental and developmental institutions instead of perhaps coming together, forming alliances and confronting the government for its failure and capital for its exploitative tendencies. Migrants, local and international, fail to see the state as the troublemaker and further fail to see the role of capitalism as fundamental in creating the divisions amongst the migrant workers (those from within and those from across the border), causing divisions among the classes and nationalities. All kinds of migrants want to be closer to towns and cities for employment and livelihood-making opportunities. They all would rather not pay a lot of money in making a living, which is inclusive of paying municipal and transport bills. This is because they know that they have homes, which they have to be remitting money to; they intend for their migration spot not to be their permanent location.

6 Policy Implications for Migrants

This book has demonstrated that the policy and legislative framework is as important as the socio-economic-political environment for creating a welcoming and conducive space for migrants. The policy chapters cover three different parts of how government policy affects the migrants. First is how the South African government handles refugees and asylum seekers (see Moyo and Botha). Second is how the legislation treats migrants at the workplace and how industrial relations policies respond to the presence of international migrants at the workplace. How inclusive and aligned are they? (See Xulu-Gama et al.). Third, policies in South Africa have at times been shaped to align with migration patterns retrospectively, and some scholars have argued that South African legislation has followed on from the pre-apartheid and apartheid precepts by taking a more restrictive position towards mobility generally (see Gordon).

Policy chapters and other works in this volume have shown that anti-immigrant policies do not necessarily reduce the flow of labour migrants; instead, they “illegalise” certain labour migration processes by making access to political, economic, and social resources a right of citizenship. Therefore, such an exclusionary stance leaves most migrant workers in vulnerable positions, which perpetuates their exploitation. Gordon concluded that there is a need to shift the general focus of the immigration policy regime from deterrence and control to rights, implementation and management.

7 Concluding Remarks

Almost all migrants want to eventually return to their countries of origin, on condition that socio-economic and political situations improve there. Onukogu’s work shows that second generation immigrants prefer the host country compared to their parents’ country of origin. Skilled migrants always get better reception and livelihoods in comparison to those who are unskilled and semi-skilled. South African immigration policy and legislation have been a sore point of critique in most of the chapters (Gordon, Kaziboni, Moyo and Botha) which have directly engaged with it. It is seen as too restrictive, illegalising the presence of vulnerable migrant workers from neighbouring countries while unfortunately prioritising and promoting only the presence of skilled migrants.

This book has called for new ways of theorising migration in the southern African region as well as a new definition for ‘African migrant’. Xulu-Gama, examining women’s experiences of migration, concludes that there should be more associations targeting women in general, without categorising them according to their national identities. Lorgat, viewing migrants as workers, felt that migrants often feel excluded from trade unions and turn to other organisational formations and interventions in order to claim their rights and make progress in their workplaces. Lorgat therefore concludes that while most scholars, including herself, acknowledge that it is becoming even more difficult to organise precarious workers, it is indeed becoming equally important to do so. Hadebe concludes that immigrants are both necessary and undesired, in that their labour power is needed yet loathed in social security protection, which is often denied.

This book has demonstrated that while there is a groundswell of scholarship emerging in the sociology of migration space in response to social challenges and discontent related to the movement of people across borders, both internal and external, there is however a dearth of theorizing migration from the global South. On the African continent especially, the impetus to migrate is inextricably tied to the ravages of capitalist exploitation and the imposition of inhumane policies and practices that are given sanitized labels such as globalization, internationalization of markets, structural adjustment programs.

This book makes a key contribution to the field of the Southern Theory by focusing on the sociology of migration in the global south. It proposes new ways of theorizing migration, arguing that traditional western forms of theorizing are not fully fitting the South-South migration. This book argued for the intertwined issues of gender and class as important in analysing and theorising migration processes. In recognition of the differences between rural-urban/ urban-rural migration vs international migration, the book challenges the assumptions that there are no similarities or relationships between these forms of migration.

The overall contribution of the book is that migration research to and from Africa is not given the prominence it deserves in the global migration literature. Even when it is written about, attention is given to authors from the Global North writing about Africa and theorising about migration to Africa. This book is an effort of undoing that by giving prominence to the voices on the African continent theorising on the broader scholarship on migration to and within African countries. Theoretically this book has shown contrasts to the neo-classical theory of migration. These views support the new economics of labour migration theory, which purports that the decision to migrate is based on investment decisions and the potential to diversify and to develop new skills. For many migrants, their choice to migrate is not only driven by the search for individual freedom and opportunities, but the expectation that such freedom and opportunity would also fund family and other economic interests in the home country.

Finally, compiling this manuscript has been a bold step of taking action. Rather than continuously arguing that research about migration to and from Africa is not given the prominence it deserves in the global migration literature, we stepped into that gap in research by being that voice. We have been decisive about prioritising scholars who are from the South and who are also based in the South. We have also been intentional about not investing our focus in the already well-acclaimed academics and experts in the field, but have welcomed and encouraged the wide participation of young scholars, particularly giving voice to young black women to use this intellectual space.