Abstract
This chapter will introduce general lessons from the interviews, mapping out key conclusions in terms of context of and methodologies implemented to evaluate results in each case study. It will start by discussing the main conclusion from the interviews: how each of our case studies differ tremendously—in terms of their main characteristics and their general goals and details. This leads to a discussion of how our case studies can be construed as basic income experiments, pilots, or policies (or not). From there, we will raise key questions on the methodological decisions, either in terms of design model, type of evidence collected, and even the way ethical criteria can sometimes be taken into account. This discussion leads us to conclusions on the role the sociopolitical context plays in any basic income experiment and can therefore have tremendous impacts on how experiments are conducted, implemented, and perceived. The chapter closes with key conclusions from the interviews related to the implications of methodological decisions and context, specifically the limited comparability and scalability that basic income experiments offer so far.
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Notes
- 1.
Full text for the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act available at: https://www.nigc.gov/general-counsel/indian-gaming-regulatory-act (June, 2021).
- 2.
As discussed during the interview, such definition—of those who are part of the tribe or not—is a particular aspect of the tribal government’s mandate. The criteria include blood relations, which means that if people marry and have children with people of a different ethnicity, they reduce the likelihood of the children belonging to the tribe, by blood relatedness. It is also a criterion that is quite different from the ones in the other case studies that represent policies: in Macau and Maricá Brazil the cash grant is attributed to residents (in Macau to both permanent and non-permanent ones). Hence, the main eligibility criterion is geographical: whether people live or not in the city or region. In the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians’ Dividend, the criterion is related with tribal membership, as defined by blood heritage, which means that people living in different locations, outside the tribe, might still receive the unconditional cash grant. Such a difference might be explained by the mandate of the tribal government, and the initial decision to establish the cash grant, namely that of contributing to the general welfare of tribal members.
- 3.
To know more about the study of the Maricá’s Renda Básica de Cidadania, there is a website of the study with relevant information, namely the context of basic income in the country, the development of the policy in Maricá, and the study’s main deadlines. Available at: https://www.maricabasicincome.com/en/about-the-study (June, 2021).
- 4.
For more information about SEWA: https://sewabharat.org/sewas-pioneering-studies-on-basic-income-show-transformative-results/.
- 5.
Mein Grundeinkommen website: https://www.mein-grundeinkommen.de/.
- 6.
To know more about Maricá’s Renda Básica de Cidadania, and the current study: https://www.maricabasicincome.com/en/about-the-study (June, 2021).
- 7.
In our interview, we did not have much detail on why there was backlash against filling in the surveys on the impacts of the policy. It seems it could be partly resistance to more bureaucracy, and partly resistance towards anything that could impact the cash grant that was being granted, given that people consider it a right since the subsidies were withdrawn.
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Merrill, R., Neves, C., Laín, B. (2022). The Goal, Context, and Methods Behind Our Case Studies. In: Basic Income Experiments. Exploring the Basic Income Guarantee. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89120-6_2
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