Abstract
Since 1980, the Zimbabwean government and ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu PF), have committed atrocities against its citizens. These atrocities have been perpetrated pursuant to a political agenda, ideology and objective to systematically weaken, persecute and destroy opponents of the government and Zanu (PF) to ensure a one-party state. As part of this strategy, the government and ruling party have politicised ethnicity and committed the Gukurahundi genocide against the Ndebele supporters of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (PF Zapu) in Matabeleland and Midlands in the 1980s. From 1990 to now, the government and Zanu PF have politicised and racialised atrocities and targeted opposition supporters of the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM), the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), white farmers, civil society, human rights, media and democracy activists. This chapter investigates the atrocities committed by the government and ruling party, Zanu PF, over 40 years through the prism of international criminal law. The chapter concludes that the atrocities constitute international crimes and meet the legal requirements of war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and torture. The chapter chronicles patterns of atrocity and impunity over four decades and examines the individual criminal responsibility of perpetrators. Finally, drawing on global comparative experiences, the chapter evaluates options and prospects of combating impunity and holding perpetrators accountable under international criminal law.
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Notes
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‘Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace: A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1988’ Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe & Legal Resources Foundation (1997) 56; KP Yap, ‘Uprooting the Weeds: Power, Ethnicity and Violence in the Matabeleland Conflict’ (2001). Doran (n. 1 above); Amnesty International Annual Report, 1984 accessible at POL1000041984ENGLISH.PDF (amnesty.org); SJ Ndlovu-Gatsheni, ‘Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History’ (2012) 55 African Studies Review 1, 1–2.
- 3.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above).
- 4.
M Killander and M Nyathi, ‘Accountability for the Gukurahundi Atrocities in Zimbabwe Thirty Years On: Prospects and Challenges.’ (2015) 48 Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa, 3, 463–487. Accessed 25 November 2020. http://0-www.jstor.org.innopac.wits.ac.za/stable/26203994. The term Gukurahundi is used expansively to include other-state security agencies that committed atrocities including the Central Intelligence Organization, Police Intelligence Service and Zanu PF youth militia. The term is often used (including in this chapter) interchangeably with 5 Brigade.
- 5.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above).
- 6.
N Kriger, ‘ZANU (PF) Strategies in General Elections, 1980–2000: Discourse and Coercion’ (2005) 104, African Affairs 1–34. Accessed November 20, 2020. http://0-www.jstor.org.innopac.wits.ac.za/stable/3518631.
- 7.
As above.
- 8.
D Coltart, The Struggle Continues; 50 Years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe (2016) Jacana 275–276.
- 9.
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Kriger (n. 6 above).
- 11.
Howard-Hassmann (n. 9 above).
- 12.
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- 14.
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- 15.
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- 16.
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- 17.
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- 18.
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- 19.
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- 20.
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- 22.
R O'Keefe, International Criminal Law (2015) (Oxford University Press, 220).
- 23.
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- 24.
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- 25.
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- 26.
WA Schabas (n. 17 above) 907–933; D Fleck (n. 17 above).
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- 39.
The Prosecutor vs Ahmad Al Bashir ICC-02/05-01/09.
- 40.
Habre was tried 26 after he was deposed whilst Khmer Rouge leaders were tried almost 30 years later.
- 41.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 56; Yap (n. 2 above).
- 42.
Doran (n. 1 above), see also Ndlovu-Gatsheni (n. 2 above).
- 43.
Unpublished: P Santos, ‘Representing Conflict: An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986’, unpublished MA thesis, Rhodes University, 2011; Coltart (n. 8 above).
- 44.
'Gukurahundi 5th Brigade Mass Graves in Nkayi', last accessed from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Dvx-cxygig8, on 28 November 2020.
- 45.
Kriger (n. 6 above).
- 46.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 56.
- 47.
The Unity Accord contained a specific provision to this effect.
- 48.
Kriger (n. 6 above).
- 49.
As above.
- 50.
As above.
- 51.
As above.
- 52.
As above.
- 53.
As above.
- 54.
As above.
- 55.
As above.
- 56.
As above.
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As above.
- 58.
See also J Makumbe, ‘Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People’ (2006) 31, no. 3 Africa Development / Afrique Et Développement 45–61. Accessed November 20, 2020. http://0-www.jstor.org.innopac.wits.ac.za/stable/24483863.
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P Alden and J Makumbe, ‘The Zimbabwe Constitution: Race, Land Reform and Social Justice’, in HG Cornwell and EW Stoddard (eds) Global Multiculturalism (2001) 215–237.
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J Fisher, ‘Zimbabwe's Governance and Land Reform Crises—A Postscript.’ in J Fisher (ed) Pioneers, Settlers, Aliens, Exiles: The Decolonisation of White Identity in Zimbabwe (2010) 201–220. ANU Press. Retrieved 23 November 2020, from http://0-www.jstor.org.innopac.wits.ac.za/stable/j.ctt24hd4n.13.
- 61.
As above.
- 62.
As above.
- 63.
LM Sachikonye, The Promised Land: From Expropriation to Reconciliation and Jambanja’ (2005) (Weaver Press).
- 64.
Fisher (n. 57 above).
- 65.
P Godwin, When a Crocodile Eats the Sun: A Memoir of Africa (2007) 81.
- 66.
Coltart (n. 8 above) 275–276.
- 67.
As above, Besides Stevens, other white farmers would be attacked and murdered. In Nyamandlovu, Martin Olds was also murdered by war veterans in cold blood. A gang had driven past a police roadblock to his farm in 13 cars. He had been ambushed when he went to the gate, was shot in the leg and after retreating to his house, it was petrol bombed forcing him out. He was shot and stabbed all over the body within hearing of the police station, which failed to come to his aid. see Coltart (n. 8 above) 275–276.
- 68.
As above.
- 69.
As above.
- 70.
High Court Order HH 67/2001 HC 8139/2000, ‘Buhera North Election Petition’.
- 71.
‘Government Orders Hitman’s Arrest for Killing Political Opponents’ see https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2006/10/16/govt-orders-hitmans-arrest-killing-political-opponents.
- 72.
‘Chinamasa says High Court Has No Legal Right to Order Prosecutions’, Daily News, 30 August 2001.
- 73.
‘10 Years On: Chiminya and Mabika Murderers Free’, Zimbabwe Independent, 23 April 2010: https://www.theindependent.co.zw/2010/04/23/candid-comment-10-years-on-chiminyamabika-murderers-free/.
- 74.
J Makumbe, ‘Electoral Politics in Zimbabwe: Authoritarianism Versus the People,’ 31, no. 3 (2006) Africa Development/Afrique Et Développement 45–61.
- 75.
Genocide Watch, Politicide Warning: Zimbabwe (2008).
- 76.
J Hammer, ‘The Reign of Thuggery’ N.Y. Rev. Books, 26 June 2008.
- 77.
As above.
- 78.
See Pan-African Parliament, Report of the Pan African Parliament Election Observer Mission: Presidential Run-Off Election and House of Assembly By-Elections, Republic of Zimbabwe (June 27 2008).
- 79.
‘Bullets for Each of You: State Sponsored Violence Since Zimbabwe March 29 Election’, Human Rights Watch, 9 June 2008.
- 80.
As above.
- 81.
As above.
- 82.
‘False Dawn: The Zimbabwe Power-Sharing Government's Failure to Deliver Human Rights Improvements’ Human Rights Watch (2009) 5–6.
- 83.
As above.
- 84.
- 85.
J Mukoko, The Abduction and Trial of Jestina Mukoko The Fight for Human Rights in Zimbabwe (David Krut Books, 2016); see also Frontline Defenders: Jestina Mukoko Abducted, accessible at https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/jestina-mukoko-abducted#case-update-id-8307.
- 86.
S Muqayi, ‘The Strategies Applied by the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) to Dominate the 2013 Harmonised Elections in Zimbabwe’ (2018) 5, no. 3 Journal of African Foreign Affairs 45–64. Accessed 25 November 2020. https://doi.org/10.2307/26664076.
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- 88.
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- 89.
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- 90.
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- 91.
In outlining the reasons for Operation Restore Legacy, the generals made it clear that they were saving Zanu PF from defeat in 2018.
- 92.
'Mugabe Sacks Vice-President Over Plot': BBC, 9 December 2014: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-30400178.
- 93.
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- 94.
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- 96.
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- 97.
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- 98.
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- 99.
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- 100.
‘Zanu PF/Military Deterrence of the Village Vote,’ Zimbabwe Democracy Institute, 10 July 2018: http://kubatana.net/2018/07/10/zanu-pf-military-deterrence-village-vote/.
- 101.
M Ndakaripa, 'Zimbabwe's 2018 Elections: Funding, Public Resources and Vote Buying,' Review of African Political Economy, 47 (2020):164, 301–312, https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2020.1735327.
- 102.
European Union: Election Observation Mission Report:
- 103.
'Zanu PF/Military Deterrence of the Village Vote’ (n. 98 above).
- 104.
T Mungwari, 'Zimbabwe Post-Election Violence, Motlanthe Commission of Enquiry 2018,' International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review, Vol 10, Issue 2, accessible at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331304554_Zimbabwe_Post_Election_Violence_Motlanthe_Commission_of_Inquiry_2018; J. Cotterill, 'Zimbabwe Security Services Blamed for Post-Election Deaths', Financial Times, London, 18 December 2018.
- 105.
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- 106.
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- 107.
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- 108.
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- 109.
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- 110.
Zimbabwe's Troops Accused of 'Systematic Torture' of Protestors, BBC, 23 January, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-46968142.
- 111.
'On the Days of Darkness in Zimbabwe: An Updated Report on the Human Rights Violations Committed Between 14 January and 5 February 2019, Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum’, http://chrome-extension://oemmndcbldboiebfnladdacbdfmadadm/, http://www.hrforumzim.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Shutdown-Atrocities-Report-6-February-2019.pdf.
- 112.
This included the abduction, enforced disappearance and torture of MDC member Blessing Toronga later found murdered after the January 2019 protests, doctor Tatenda Mombeyarara for protesting poor working conditions of doctors, Obert Masarira for protesting poor working conditions of teachers, comedian Samantha Kureya (Gonyeti) for her artistic parody about the government, musician Ian Makiwa (Prince Platinum) for a song deemed offensive to the President, MDC politicians Joanna Mamombe, Cecilia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova for protests about the COVID-19 lockdown regulations and university student Tawanda Muchehiwa ahead of a planned protest against corruption on 31 July 2020. Many other activists would be abducted, tortured and dumped.
- 113.
‘Zimbabwe's MDC Abductees Arrested for Lying About Torture,' BBC, 11 June 2020, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-53005447.
- 114.
Kika (n. 13 above).
- 115.
As above.
- 116.
T Muchehiwa, 'I Felt the Gun On the Back of My Head, I Had Made My Peace with Death,' ZimLive, 27 August 2020, https://www.zimlive.com/2020/08/27/i-felt-the-gun-on-the-back-of-my-head-i-had-made-peace-with-death/; 'The Brutal Abduction Caught on Camera in Zimbabwe,’ Mail and Guardian, https://mg.co.za/africa/2020-09-13-the-brutal-abduction-caught-on-camera-in-zimbabwe/.
- 117.
T Moyo, 'Witness to Abduction’, Daily Maverick, 28 September 2020.
- 118.
M Heywood, 'Zanu PF Steps Up Repression and Fear to Halt 31 July Anti-Corruption and Poverty Protests,' Daily Maverick, 30 July 2020.
- 119.
Kittichisaree (n. 18 above) 95.
- 120.
Minister of Foreign Affairs v Michael Jenrich, Standard Chartered Bank Zimbabwe and Sherriff of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Supreme Court Judgment No. SC 73/18; See also the older cases of Barker McCormac (Pvt) Ltd v. Government of Kenya; 1983 (2) ZLR 72, at 77; Judgement of Waddington J who held that ‘there is no doubt that customary international law is part of the law of this country,’ see also Sibanda and Another V ICRC (2002 (1) ZLR 364 which reaffirmed Barker McCormac.
- 121.
Section 326 (1) of the Constitution of Zimbabwe.
- 122.
DJ Harris, Cases and Materials on International Law 6th Ed (2004) 20.
- 123.
ICRC Treaties, State Parties and Commentaries; available at https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/
- 124.
See Genocide Act (Chapter 9:20) accessible at Genocide Act (Chapter 9:20) - law.co.zw.
- 125.
The Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols, accessible at https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/war-and-law/treaties-customary-law/geneva-conventions/overview-geneva-conventions.htm#:~:text=The%201949%20Geneva%20Conventions,soldiers%20on%20land%20during%20war.&text=The%20second%20Geneva%20Convention%20protects,personnel%20at%20sea%20during%20war.
- 126.
Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984; A/RES/39/46.
- 127.
A Cassese International Law 2nd ed. (2005) Oxford University Press: 157.
- 128.
Prosecutor v Dusko Tadic, Case No. IT-94-1, ICTY App. Chamber, Decision on the Defence Motion for Interlocutory Appeal on Jurisdiction of October 2 1995 (‘Tadic Jurisdiction Decision') quoted with approval in Prosecutor v Furundzija, Case No. IT-95-17/I-T, ICTY.
- 129.
Prosecutor v Goran Jelisic, Case No. IT-95-10, ICTY T. Ch 1, 14 Dec.1999, para 60.
- 130.
Tadic Jurisdiction Decision, As above at para 141.
- 131.
Fleck (n. 17 above).
- 132.
As above.
- 133.
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, https://www.icc-cpi.int/resourcelibrary/official-journal/rome-statute.aspx.
- 134.
(n. 17 above).
- 135.
Rome Statute (n. 132 above).
- 136.
Tadic Judgement (n. 127 above).
- 137.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 3. Although in establishing the Chihambakwe Commission of Enquiry into the disturbances in Matabeleland—prompted by complaints about Gukurahundi atrocities against civilians, the government did not use the term ‘conflict’ there was tacit recognition that the deployment of the military was a response to what the government considered an armed conflict; ZimLive, ‘Gukurahundi was a conflict situation, Mnangagwa's spokesman says' citing an interview with George Charamba, available at zimlive.com, accessed on 7 March 2020.
- 138.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 45.
- 139.
Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention.
- 140.
As above.
- 141.
Prosecutor v Kayishema and Ruzindana -95-1-T (ICTR) 1999 para 175–176.
- 142.
S Doran, ‘New Documents Claim to Prove Mugabe Ordered Gukurahundi Killings’.
- 143.
Geneva Convention (n. 138 above).
- 144.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 48.
- 145.
See Convention of the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.
- 146.
CM Bassiouni, ‘International Crimes: Jus Cogens and Obligatio Erga Omnes’ (1996) 59 Law and Contemporary Problems 4 p68.
- 147.
Genocide Act, Chapter 9:20.
- 148.
Prosecutor vs Jean Kambanda 97-23-S (ICTR) 1998. Kambada was found guilty of genocide, amongst other things, for his omission to fulfil his duty as Prime Minister of Rwanda to take action to stop on-going massacres, which he had become aware of, or to protect the population from possible massacres after he had been personally asked to do so and his omission resulted in massacres.
- 149.
The term Ndebele is used here to describe a group of collective ethnicities from the region of Matabeleland and Midlands including Kalanga, Sotho, Venda and Tonga amongst others.
- 150.
We blame the ‘Ndebele Party Zapu for Gukurahundi’ Mugabe Says: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0C1MiDQnQhE.
- 151.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 58.
- 152.
Genocide Convention (n. 143 above).
- 153.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 58.
- 154.
Doran (n. 1 above) 584: Reflecting on the Bulawayo operation in a discussion with the Norwegians, Acting Commissioner of Police, Henry Mukurazhizha remarked that ‘this is not [a] political matter but tribal, that [the] Matabele must be crushed.’.
- 155.
P Maedza (2017) ‘Mai VaDhikondo’: Echoes of the Requiems from the Killing Fields,’ Social Dynamics, 43:2, 215–229.
- 156.
Doran (n. 1 above) 420.
- 157.
H Cameron, ‘State-Organized Starvation: A Weapon of Extreme Mass Violence in Matabeleland South, 1984’—Volume 12 Issue 1, Spring 2018, pp. 26–47, Genocide Studies International Journal, University of Toronto Press.
- 158.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 48. Doran (n. 1 above) 417.
- 159.
AJ McGregor, and T Ranger (eds) (2000) Violence and Memory: One Hundred Years in the ‘Dark Forests’ of Matabeleland. Oxford University Press; T Dube, ‘Gukurahundi Remembered: The Police, Opacity and the Gukurahundi Genocide in Bulilimamangwe District, 1982–1988’ Journal of Asian and African Studies- February 2021. Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu 96-4-T(ICTR) 1998 para 513; Prosecutor v Clement Kayishema and Obed Ruzindana 95-I (ICTR) para 98.
- 160.
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Torture Convention) of 1987, available at https://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=IND&mtdsg_no=IV-9&chapter=4&lang=en.
- 161.
'Torture in International Law: A Guide to Jurisprudence': Association for the Prevention of Torture; See also: https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/customary-ihl/eng/docs/v1_rul_rule90.
- 162.
Torture Convention (n. 149 above).
- 163.
J Hammer, ‘The Reign of Thuggery,’ (n. 76 above); see also Bullets for ‘Each of You: State Sponsored Violence Since Zimbabwe March 29 Election,’ Human Rights Watch, June 9 2008 (n 79 above); AIDS-Free World, Electing to Rape: Sexual Terror in Mugabe's Zimbabwe 8 (2009) (n. 84 above).
- 164.
National Police Commissioner of the South African Police Service v Southern African Human Rights Litigation Centre Trust (The Torture Docket case) (CCT 02/14) [2014] ZACC 30; 2015 (1) SA 315 (CC).
- 165.
Kittichisaree (n. 18 above) See also https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/crimes-against-humanity.shtml.
- 166.
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Art 7 (n. 132 above).
- 167.
Prosecutor v Kupreskic IT-95-16-A (ICTY) 2000.
- 168.
Jelisic case (n. 129 above) para 53; Prosecutor v Tihomir Blaskic IT-95-14 (ICTY) 2000 para 203.
- 169.
As above.
- 170.
Kriger (n. 6 above).
- 171.
As above.
- 172.
Zanu PF capitalised on the defeat of the Constitution to argue that the MDC and the white farmers had conspired.
- 173.
Kriger (n. 6 above).
- 174.
BM Tendi, ‘The Motivations and Dynamics of Zimbabwe's 2017 Military Coup,’ (2020) African Affairs, Volume 119 Issue 474, 39–67.
- 175.
In outlining the reasons for Operation Restore Legacy, the generals made it clear that they were saving Zanu PF from defeat in 2018.
- 176.
S Malunga, ‘Hear the Voice of God’, Africa Report, 21 December 2019: https://www.theafricareport.com/21549/zimbabwe-hear-the-voice-of-god/.
- 177.
'Zanu PF/Military Deterrence of the Village Vote’ (n. 98 above).
- 178.
'Zimbabwe: At Least Dead in Post-Election Violence', Human Rights Watch, 3 August 2018.
- 179.
'Zimbabwe: Mnangagwa Promotes Army General Fingered in August 1 Civilian Killings', https://allafrica.com/stories/201812180073.html.
- 180.
Solidarity Peace Trust, Resurgent Authoritarianism: The Politics of the January 2019 Violence in Zimbabwe, 20 February 2019 (Port Shepstone, SPT, 2019). see also Zimbabwe: Ruthless Crackdown on Freedom of Assembly Exposes Intolerance of Dissent, Amnesty International, 9 February 2019, Accessible at https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/02/zimbabwe-ruthless-crackdown-on-freedom-of-assembly/.
- 181.
For example, Blessing Toronga was abducted on January 24 from Glen Norah C Shopping Centre in Harare. His remains were later found in a mortuary in March 2021.
- 182.
See Zimbabwe Shutdown Human Rights Update, https://www.hrforumzim.org/news/zimshutdown-human-rights-update-23-january-2019/; Zimbabwe courts convict 375 People over violent January protests, https://www.timeslive.co.za/amp/news/africa/2019-04-03-zimbabwe-courts-convict-375-people-over-violent-january-protests/; Zimbabwean lawyers march to demand return to the rule of law https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/africa/2019-01-29-zimbabwean-lawyers-march-to-demand-a-return-to-the-rule-of-law/.
- 183.
'No Fast Track Justice: Zimbabwe Lawyers Petition to Chief Justice': 29 January 2019, accessible at https://newzwire.live/no-fast-track-justice-in-full-zimbabwe-lawyers-petition-to-chief-justice/.
- 184.
Kika (n. 13 above).
- 185.
Joanna Mamombe, Cecilia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova all MDC officials were abducted and tortured in May 2020 for protesting against COVID-19 lockdown regulations.
- 186.
DNA Tests Confirm MDC Activist’s Dumped Body, accessible at https://www.newsday.co.zw/2019/04/dna-tests-confirm-mdc-activists-dumped-body/.
- 187.
The role of Mugabe and his officials in the Gukurahundi is discussed by the author in the accompanying Chapter.
- 188.
‘Former CIO Spy, Woods, Implicates Mnangagwa in Gukurahundi’ Pindula News, available at https://news.pindula.co.zw/2019/04/14/former-cio-double-agent-woods-implicates-mnangagwa-gukurahundi/, accessed on 7 March 2020.
- 189.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above) 32–45.
- 190.
As above.
- 191.
K Woods, The Kevin Woods Story: In the Shadow of Mugabe's Gallows (2007) 30.
- 192.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n. 2 above 56).
- 193.
As above.
- 194.
see Coltart (n. 8 above) 275–276.
- 195.
As above.
- 196.
‘Bullets for Each of You: State Sponsored Violence Since Zimbabwe March 29 Election’ Human Rights Watch, 9 June 2008.
- 197.
'Zimbabwe Transition in a Muddy Terrain: Political Economy Under Military Capture', Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (2017).
- 198.
'Army Deals Blow to Mugabe Rival': BBC, January 9 2002; ‘Army Must Vote Against Tsvangirai: Major General’: https://www.politicsweb.co.za/opinion/army-must-vote-against-tsvangirai--major-general.
- 199.
'US Sanctions Owen Ncube over protest crackdown,' Al Jazeera: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/26/us-sanctions-zimbabwes-owen-ncube-over-protest-crackdown.
- 200.
Breaking the Silence—Building True Peace (n 2 above).
- 201.
As above.
- 202.
As above.
- 203.
As above.
- 204.
The Gukurahundi was deployed to Matabeleland for over three years.
- 205.
‘Zimbabwe Government 'Deploying Army' to Help Farm Invaders’, The Guardian, 20 April 2000. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2000/apr/20/zimbabwe1.
- 206.
'Zimbabwe-Transition in a Muddy Terrain: Political Economy Under Military Capture', https://issat.dcaf.ch/ara/Learn/Resource-Library/Policy-and-Research-Papers/Zimbabwe-Transition-in-a-Muddy-Terrain-Political-Economy-Under-Military-Capture.
- 207.
SJ Ndlovu-Gatsheni and P Ruhanya (Eds) The History and Political Transition of Zimbabwe: From Mugabe to Mnangagwa (2020), Palgrave Macmillan.
- 208.
'Zanu PF/Military Deterrence of the Village Vote’ (n. 98 above).
- 209.
See Rome Statute, Geneva Conventions, Genocide Conventions, Torture Convention; D Orentlicher, ‘Settling Accounts: The Duty to Prosecute Human Rights Violations of a Prior Regime,’ The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 100, No. 8. 1991, p. 253; N. Roht-Arriaza, ‘State Responsibility to Investigate and Prosecute Grave Human Rights Violations in International Law,’ California Law Review, Vol. 78, 1990, p. 451, pp. 458–61, Schabas (n. 17 above) 907–933; Fleck (n. 17 above), J Wouters, ‘The Obligation to Prosecute International Crimes.’.
- 210.
As above.
- 211.
As above.
- 212.
Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chamber in Cambodia (ECCC) (2004), accessible at https://www.eccc.gov.kh/en/documents/legal/law-establishment-extraordinary-chambers-amended.
- 213.
See Statute of the Extraordinary African Chambers, accessible at https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/09/02/statute-extraordinary-african-chambers.
- 214.
Statute of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, accessible at www.rscsl.org
- 215.
UNTAET Regulation 2000/15; see also C Reiger and M Wierda, The Serious Crimes Process in Timor-Leste: In Retrospect, ICTJ (2006).
- 216.
The author separately discusses this in the accompanying chapter in this volume: S Malunga, ‘Unpacking Gukurahundi Atrocities Against the Ndebeles of Zimbabwe: What Are the Possibilities for Individual Criminal Responsibility of the Perpetrators Under International Criminal Law?’.
- 217.
The Prosecutor v. Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta: ICC-01/09-02/11, accessible at https://www.icc-cpi.int/kenya/kenyatta and The Prosecutor v. Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé, ICC-02/11-01/15, https://www.icc-cpi.int/cdi/gbagbo-goude.
- 218.
Zimbabwe: Toll of Impunity; Amnesty International, 24 June 2002 AFR 46/034/2002.
- 219.
In the past 40 years, the Zimbabwean government has received appeals from local and international human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. During Gukurahundi atrocities, the Catholic Conference of Bishops presented Prime Minister Mugabe with evidence of atrocities and called on him to act. In 1997, the Bishops presented President Mugabe with the CCJP Report, 'Breaking the Silence' (n. 2 above), and called for accountability. Mugabe dismissed the report. More recently, the Motlanthe Commission has found that military perpetrators were responsible for the shooting to death of civilians and recommended their prosecution and punishment. Instead, the commander of the unit responsible was promoted.
- 220.
Princeton Principles on Universal Jurisdiction, adopted by a group of international law experts in 2001, proposed that ‘Amnesties are generally inconsistent with the obligation on states to provide accountability for serious crimes under international law’; Principle 7, Princeton Principles on Universal Jurisdiction 28 (2001), Princeton University Program in Law and Public Affairs, Princeton University, Princeton, 2001. M Scharf, 'The Amnesty Exception to the Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court' Cornell International Law Journal 8: 32 (1999).
- 221.
Y Naqvi, ‘Amnesty for War Crimes: Defining the Limits of International Recognition,’ (2003) IRRC 851 Vol 85, 583.
- 222.
Clemency Order No 1 of 1988 pardoning all people involved in human rights violations committed between 1982 and 1987.
- 223.
This justification was used by the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and upheld by the Constitutional Court of South Africa in Azanian Peoples Organization (AZAPO) and Others v President of the Republic of South Africa and Others (1996) ZACC 16. Amnesties have also been negotiated as part of peace deals in Sudan (Sudan Peace Agreement of 21 April 1997), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (1999 Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement) and Sierra Leone (Lome Peace Agreement of 8 July 1999).
- 224.
The repetition of atrocities by the same perpetrators over 40 years is demonstrative.
- 225.
Amnesties granted to shield perpetrators have been rejected by some tribunals including in the case of Charles Taylor.
- 226.
R Boed, 'The Effect of a Domestic Amnesty on the Ability of Foreign States to Prosecute Alleged Perpetrators of Serious Human Rights Violations,' (2000) Vol. 33, No. 2, Cornell International Law Journal 297–323.
- 227.
In the light of the failure to implement Motlanthe Commission recommendation to punish the commission of crimes, and despite calls and targeted sanctions by foreign governments such as the United States of America against known perpetrators, prospects of these measures succeeding are slim.
- 228.
Rome Statute, Art 13 (b). AS Galand, 'UN Security Council Referrals to the International Criminal Court: Legal Nature, Effects and Limits' in Leiden Studies in International Law (Eds): C Stahn, L van den Herik, N Schrijver.
- 229.
United Nations Charter, Chapter 7.
- 230.
Rome Statute, Article 11: the ICC jurisdiction is non-retroactive. It has jurisdiction for crimes that occurred after 1 July 2002.
- 231.
C Bassiouni, 'Universal Jurisdiction for International Crimes: Historical Perspectives and Contemporary' Practice, 42 Va. J. Int'l L. 81 (2001–2002).
- 232.
The duty is founded on customary international law as well as treaties such as the Genocide Convention; whose Article V requires States to enact the necessary legislation to give effect to the Genocide Convention and to provide effective penalties for persons found guilty of genocidal acts. See also Articles 49, 50, 129, 146, respectively, of the Geneva Conventions I–IV, Article 85 of Additional Protocol I; for acts constituting grave breaches, see Articles 50, 51, 130, 147, respectively, of the Geneva Conventions I–IV, Article 85 of Additional Protocol I. see also S Ratner and J Abram, ‘Accountability for Human Rights Atrocities in International Law: Beyond The Nuremberg Legacy,’ (2001) Oxford University Press 41.
- 233.
National Police Commissioner of the South African Police Service v Southern African Human Rights Litigation Centre Trust (The Torture Docket case) (CCT 02/14) [2014] ZACC 30; 2015 (1) SA 315 (CC).
- 234.
African Union, Decision on the Draft Legal Instruments, Assembly AU/Dec.529 (XXIII), Decisions, Declarations and Resolution of the Assembly of the Union, Twenty Third Ordinary Session, June 26–27, 2014.
- 235.
Presently this can only be done under the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform Act) [Chapter 9:23] https://zimlii.org/zw/legislation/act/2004/23.
- 236.
Whilst the Zimbabwean Criminal Code criminalises most of the crimes committed in the past 40 years, it does not define the severity and criminal responsibility at the requisite of international criminal law.
- 237.
The same Zanu (PF), government and military leaders have remained firmly in power and control since the time of the Gukurahundi.
- 238.
Genocide Act (n. 122 above).
- 239.
Zimbabwe Constitution Amendment Act No 20 of 2013, Section 53.
- 240.
The country lacks the specialised prosecutorial capacity to investigate and prosecute international crimes.
- 241.
M Chifamba, 'Zimbabwe: Mnangagwa's Capture of the Judiciary a Red Flag for State Failure' Africa Report, 23 November 2020, accessible at https://www.theafricareport.com/51602/zimbabwe-mnangagwas-capture-of-judiciary-a-red-flag-for-state-failure/; A Magaisa: 'Understanding Judicial Capture in Zimbabwe', accessible at https://www.bigsr.co.uk/single-post/2020/11/14/big-saturday-read-understanding-judicial-capture-in-zimbabwe; 'Judges Confirm Judicial Capture, NewsDay,’ 29 October 2020, https://www.newsday.co.zw/2020/10/judges-confirm-judicial-capture/.
- 242.
CE Caitlin, ‘Hybrid Tribunals are the Most Effective Structure for Adjudicating International Crimes Occurring Within a Domestic State’ (2013) Law School Student Scholarship 90 https://scholarship.shu.edu/student_scholarship/90.
- 243.
The Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Lebanon, Senegal and East Timor Tribunals were all products of negotiation between the United Nations and the relevant countries including the African Union in the case of the Senegal Tribunal.
- 244.
SMH Nouwen, 'Hybrid Courts' The Hybrid Category of a New Type of International Crimes Courts' (2006) Volume 2, Issue 2 Utrecht Law Review, available at http://www.utrechtlawreview.org/.
- 245.
https://www.ictj.org/publication/committing-justice-serious-human-rights-violations-lessons-hybrid-tribunals Committing to Justice for Serious Human Rights Violations: Lessons from Hybrid Tribunals, International Centre for Transitional Justice (2018), https://www.ictj.org/publication/committing-justice-serious-human-rights-violations-lessons-hybrid-tribunals.
- 246.
As above.
- 247.
This would be especially important in the light of the resistance of African countries to the ICC and the geopolitical issues between Zimbabwe and western countries.
- 248.
The hybrid tribunals in Sierra Leone, East Timor, Cambodia and Lebanon have provided an unprecedented opportunity for victims to participate unlike the cases in the ICC in The Hague.
- 249.
Special Panel of the Dili District Court, https://hybridjustice.com/special-panels-of-the-dili-district-court/.
- 250.
Special Court for Sierra Leone http://www.rscsl.org/.
- 251.
War Crimes Chamber in Bosnia; see https://hybridjustice.com/the-war-crimes-chamber-in-bosnia-and-herzegovina/; Special Tribunal for Lebanon: https://www.stl-tsl.org/en.
- 252.
Silvia Steininger, ‘The Kosovo Specialist Chambers—A New Chapter for International Criminal Justice in the Balkans,’ Völkerrechtsblog (2018), https://voelkerrechtsblog.org/articles/the-kosovo-specialist-chambers/.
L Leicht. 'Kosovo War Crimes Court Can Promote Justice On All Sides' available at https://balkaninsight.com/2020/11/12/kosovo-war-crimes-court-can-promote-justice-on-all-sides/.
- 253.
Extraordinary Chambers in Cambodia see https://www.eccc.gov.kh/en.
- 254.
Amnesty-Toll of Impunity (n. 208 above).
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Book Chapters
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Unpublished Theses
Ngwenya, D Healing the Wounds of Gukurahundi: A Participatory Action Research Project (unpublished DTech thesis, Durban University of Technology, 2014).
Santos, P, ‘Representing Conflict: An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986’ Unpublished MA thesis, Rhodes University, 2011.
Yap, KP ‘Uprooting the Weeds: Power, Ethnicity and Violence in the Matabeleland Conflict’ (2001) University of Amsterdam.
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Malunga, S. (2022). A History of Atrocity: Patterns, Perpetrators and Prospects for Accountability for International Crimes in Zimbabwe. In: Lubaale, E.C., Dyani-Mhango, N. (eds) National Accountability for International Crimes in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88044-6_15
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