Abstract
The premise upon which this chapter is based is that civil life can never be entirely obliterated but that remnants of civil life always survive. Accordingly, communicative peacebuilding in post-civil war settings needs to identify and develop these remnants to encourage citizens’ memories of a previous civil life and the imagination of a peaceful future one. It equally needs to identify the civil potential of the non-civil ties (primordial, platoon and ideological) of former combatants and build on it through the provision of opportunities for civil engagement across the communicative spectrum of civil society. Such civil engagement between the different groups that constitute civil society is necessary to encourage the reimagining of former enemies as co-citizens.
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Notes
- 1.
This is from Yeats’ poem ‘The Second Coming’ (1919).
- 2.
- 3.
Though beyond the scope of this study, it is important to note such complex challenges also include discrepancies between how the different levels of civil society view peace and its priorities. This challenge is adequately summarised by Mitchell (2012: 2) who argues that local peacebuilding efforts have in some cases ‘been regarded by [national] (…) elites and authorities as interfering with “serious” national efforts to bring about peace (whether through coercion or negotiation) and, in some cases, as another form of challenge to the authority of government or aspiring governments’ and so in some countries, local peacebuilders ‘have been deliberately excluded from having any voice at all in efforts to end a conflict through talks—and even from the “talks about talks” stage’. To this Hancock and Mitchell (2012: 161) add that it seems to be too often the case that elite-level peacemakers desire that local leaders and communities only act as passive spectators or supporters of their own worthy efforts; so that local initiatives do not “get in the way” of the real business of making peace—or bringing victory—to a divided and war-torn society’. It is therefore important in peacebuilding efforts to build what Odendaal (2013) calls a ‘peace architecture’ which links the national, regional, local and hyperlocal levels and prevents national peacebuilding efforts opening up opportunities for violence on sub-national levels. Such a peace architecture should aim to represent a multi-stake holder approach including insurgents and incumbents (Hancock & Mitchell, 2012; Mitchell, 2012). On the relationship between the local and the international see Jabri (2013).
- 4.
However, often this does not happen. Autesserre (2014: 249) argues that the ‘interveners’ personal and social practices create boundaries between them and host populations’. More specifically she argues that the interveners’ approach is at odds with what locals need and do not prioritise the local and the partnership between locals and peacebuilders: Interveners ‘value thematic expertise over local knowledge. They favour technical, short-term, and top-down solutions to complex social, political, and economic problems, and they orient these solutions towards quantifiable results’. Also see Autesserre (2014) for an overview of interveners’ dominant practise and habits and their main negative impacts upon the local population and the peacebuilding aim.
- 5.
Accordingly, academics who work in peacebuilding initiatives on local levels need to undertake what can be described as ‘engaged scholarship’ which is communicative in character and refers to engaging in the co-production of knowledge with practitioners, to support inclusive strategies which ensure the inclusion and listening to a wide variety of local stakeholders and citizens. Such an engaged scholarship approach also requires for academics to question their place in the peacebuilding process as well as think about the way in which local cultures might not support such inclusive strategies especially when it comes to women and youth (see Connaughton & Ptacek, 2020; Connaughton et al., 2017; Kellett et al., 2020).
- 6.
Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018) provide an illuminating account not only of the political history of norm breaking by American Presidents and political parties but also the real consequences for democratic procedures and institutions.
- 7.
In Democracy in America, Tocqueville places immense importance on public discussion and association because it provides citizens with a form of entrepreneurial esprit to solve their problems at the local level and by themselves. He fears too much intervention from the State, the bureaucratic and centralised state because he believed that the more the State was involved the more citizens would be put under the tutelage of the State, the less was their public spirit needed and the more citizens would retreat from public life. Tocqueville’s fears here can be seen analogically to the peacebuilder’s role—the peacebuilders role is to support and enable an autonomous civil society, defined but not to ‘nanny’ or impose. Tocqueville shares the fear of a too powerful and nannying state with Bentham and Mill.
- 8.
In some ways, this understanding of the role of peacebuilders and of the importance of communication and discourse in peacebuilding resonates with a republican approach to peacebuilding which according to Barnett (2006: 90f.) ‘is modest. Unlike liberal peacebuilding, which uses shock therapy to push post-conflict states toward some predetermined vision of the promised land, republicanism’s emphasis on deliberative processes allows space for societal actors to determine for themselves what the good life is and how to achieve it’. My line of thinking is closely related to Barnett’s in that it takes into account, allows for and encourages local interpretation of the civil norms of peaceful cooperation and in that it emphasises the importance of civil engagement as a communicative activity in peacebuilding. On republicanism and liberty both historically and present see Pocock (2003 [1975]), Pettit (1997, 2001, 2012), Skinner (1990, 2008), Viroli (2002). On freedom as the absence of arbitrary power see Skinner (2007).
- 9.
Hobbes was in fact writing in response to the English Civil Wars and his experiences of it. The English Civil Wars (1642–1651) were a far more deadly affair than is usually thought. Historians put the death toll caused by fighting and disease between 180,000 and 200,000. Across England, Scotland and Ireland respectively 3.7, 6.0 and 41% of the population were killed—a death toll that is higher than the 2.6–3% of the British population lost in WWI. Hobbes would be aware of both the extent of the causalities and the scope of the collateral damage done to the economy and way of life by these civil wars. On the figures see The National Archives (n.d.) and The Biomedical Scientist (2017).
- 10.
On the link between cruelty and fear and the impact upon freedom see Shklar (1998).
- 11.
Shils (1997: 340f.) describes the relationship between an individual consciousness and a collective consciousness in the following way: ‘Collective consciousness, which is a cognitive state, as seeing one’s self as part of a collectivity, has within a norm which gives precedence to the interests of the collectivity over the individual or parochial interest (…) This does not mean that the collective self-consciousness always prevails over the individual’s self-consciousness (…) Nor does by any means imply that the more inclusive collective self-consciousness always takes precedence over the less inclusive collective self-consciousness’.
- 12.
- 13.
According to Anderson (2006 [1983]: 6) any society, though he speaks about the nation in particular, ‘is imagined because the members of even the smallest nations will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion’. See also Taylor (2003) and Grant (2014) on social imaginaries.
- 14.
Rationally motivated civil solidarity is not the only kind of solidarity. Weber (1947: 136), for example, distinguishes between ‘communal’ solidarity which is based on a ‘subjective feeling of the parties, whether affectional or traditional, that they belong together’ and ‘associative’ solidarity which ‘rests on a rationally motivated adjustments of interests or a similarly motivated agreement (…)’. It is hard to imagine that much emotional and affective solidarity exists shortly after a civil war, but one can imagine that a rationally motivated version might stand a better chance of being operationalised in reality.
- 15.
Durkheim’s insight into organic solidarity can be applied to better understand civil consciousness: it represents a ‘form of unity’ and ideally, ‘entails positive moral obligations’ which then contribute to self-sustainable civil peace (see Scholz, 2008: 18f.).
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- 17.
Agreeing with Lederach and in line with Hobbes (2008 [1650]): 92) who argues that what ‘is contrary to peace, is contrary to the law of nature’ and that ‘all men agree on this, that peace is good’ (Hobbes, 2008 [1651]: 106) I believe that a preference for peace over war can be assumed in any post-civil war settings.
- 18.
Hazen (2005: 5) summarises this in the following way: ‘The demilitarisation and demobilisation processes are extremely threatening to combatants and generate anxiety, fear, and insecurity because the process destroys the social network on which the combatant has relied for many years. The loss of this social network, the war family, creates a tremendous sense of insecurity for ex-combatants. Through the DDR process, combatants lose their social status, their sense of belonging, their sense of importance, their income or access to basic goods, their support network, and their identity’.
- 19.
On disappointment amongst Liberia and and Sierra Leonian ex-combatants regarding the promises made during the DDR programme and the reality experienced see Kilroy (2011, 2014), also Kingma (1997) who focuses on ex-combatants in Africa and mentions Angola, Namibia and Mozambique in particular and see Söderström (2015) on Liberia. Jennings (2007) focuses on complaints about DDR in Liberia, also Gear (2002) on South Africa. On discussions of success of DDR programmes see for example Humphreys and Weinstein (2007).
- 20.
Sometimes they decide to attempt reintegration on their own and sometimes they also participate in local programmes such as the Ingando programme in Rwanda (Mgbako, 2005), social co-habitation programmes in Burundi (Willems & Leeuwen, 2014), the Lhnaguene centre in Mozambique (Boothby et al., 2006) or Moot community reconciliation in Liberia.
- 21.
In post-civil war settings the focus is no longer on the alleged evil of the enemy but turns towards the perpetrators of the crimes—of what is often perceived by the post-civil war society as ‘evil’—committed during civil war. This is often visible in initiatives for transactional justice, war crime trials and truth and reconciliation commissions. With regard to the kind of ‘evil’ committed, Arendt (1994 [1963]), who focuses on the Holocaust, distinguishes between three types of perpetrators: ‘The first category comprises those who are seduced by considerations of career or family welfare and therefore participate in the enactment of evil. The second category comprises those who realize that their actions are immoral but who console themselves with the idea that they behave in the same way as others. This applies to members of the militias. Their actions may not have been moral, but at least they were supported by the mores, the customs of the time. The third category comprises those individuals who consciously commit evil acts because they are convinced that their actions serve a higher purpose (for example saving the nation—the excuse that Suharto and his associates always used)’ (Wieringa & Katjasungkana, 2019: 16).
- 22.
This is adapted from Fuji (2010) who specifically focuses on the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and applied to civil war more generally.
- 23.
- 24.
Though arguments to the contrary point out that ‘that younger children are known to adapt more easily to new circumstances, are more obedient and are more receptive to indoctrination and propaganda’ (Banholzer & Haer, 2014: 115).
- 25.
In Northern Uganda, for example, children would report by haunted by ‘cen’. According to Annan et al. (2009: 640), ‘Nightmares are interpreted as haunting by a spirit, or cen, which is believed to be brought on by disturbing the spiritual world through killing someone, witnessing a killing, or defacing a body. Unless ceremonies have been performed to appease the spirits, cen is seen as potentially polluting to family and friends, making it a possible source of stigmatization’ (see Akello et al., 2006 for cleansing rituals).
- 26.
It is also interesting to note that although girls are at a higher risk of depression and PTSD, their integration trends were similar to those of boys (Jordans et al., 2012).
- 27.
Whereas there is some literature on female ex-child soldiers there appears to be a hesitance in academic engagement to also include analyses of the role of women in civil war and genocide. On the role of adult women in the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda see African Rights (1995), Hogg (2010), Cohen (2013) and Brown (2014).
- 28.
For another example see Hassan-kayd (2019) on DDR un Somaliland.
- 29.
- 30.
It is fair to assume that those returning to their communities have not committed war crimes. War crimes are usually dealt with by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague or by national legal courts where appropriate. There are various transitional justice mechanisms including temporary courts, public hearings or Truth and Reconciliation Commissions as well as local justice and reconciliation initiatives that can be used in post-civil war settings to increase accountability and responsibility for crimes and atrocities committed during war. Sometimes, however, there are blanket amnesties for all returnees as in Mozambique which often undermine communities’ confidence in justice and accountability (Duthie, 2005). With regard to children, the situations are different. As noted above, they are often thought to be innocent or at least not able to be held accountable for any crimes committed because of having been coerced through the use of drugs and alcohol to commit these. Nevertheless international law permits children to be prosecuted for acts committed during civil war though certain conditions have to be met and children’s rights upheld. On international law regarding the prosecution of child soldiers and a detailed study on the way in which Rwanda dealt with its ‘genocide minors’/ ‘children génocidaires’—Rwanda prosecuted and imprisoned them and prosecuted—see Barrett (2019). On DDR and transitional justice see the edited volume by Sriram et al. (2013).
- 31.
- 32.
On the identities of child soldiers in discourse see for example Podder (2011).
- 33.
Alexander attempts to capture something similar to Geertz’s Integrative Revolution with his concept of the multicultural mode of incorporation. He (2006: 451) argues that ‘Insofar as outsider qualities are seen not as stigmatizing but as variation on civil and utopian themes, they will be valued in themselves. “Difference” and particularity become sources of cross-group identification and it is in this seemingly paradoxical manner that common experiences are created that transcend the discrete communities composing civil society’. To this he (ibid.: 452) adds that in ‘multiculturalism, the universal is particularized (…) the ambition is to achieve—to perform and to display—a cultural status that once appeared to be ascriptively rooted. It is an achieved ascription, a performed identity, not a passively primordial or essentialized one’.
- 34.
- 35.
Siebold (2007: 287) details the various components of bonding further: ‘The proffered standard model of military group cohesion consists of four related, interacting components based on different structural relationships: peer (horizontal), leader (vertical), organizational, and institutional bonding. Peer or horizontal bonding is among members at the same military hierarchical level (e.g., squad or group members). Leader or vertical bonding is between those at different levels (e.g., between squad or group members and their leaders). Peer and leader bonding within a small group (e.g., a platoon) together compose primary group cohesion. Organizational bonding is between personnel and their next higher organizations (e.g., company and battalion), and institutional bonding is between personnel and their military branch (e.g., the Army). Together, organizational and institutional bonding compose secondary group cohesion. Each type of bonding has been considered to have two aspects: affective (an emotional/reactive side) and instrumental (an action/proactive side)’.
- 36.
On how such solidarity arises see Koudenburg et al. (2015: 26) who argue that ‘In the present research we show that a sense of ‘us’ can emerge in the background of specific actions that individuals perform together, but that the nature of these actions (complementary or synchronous) shapes the groups via different pathways. This sense of ‘us’ consists not just of perceptions of group entitativity but also a sense of individual identification to the group. This confirms that dynamic processes in small groups can take on a more categorical and more interactive shape, both of which produce a sense of solidarity. The crucial difference between these two processes is not the level of solidarity they produce, but its quality: Categorical processes relegate individual group members to the background of group formation. In interactive processes, by contrast, individuals are at the forefront of what it means to be “us”’.
- 37.
Checkel (2017: 597) theorises individual agency in three ways: first, ‘top-down and focus[ing] on leaders—rebel commanders, say—and the techniques they use to socialize group members’, second, ‘bottom-up. In this case, the agents are the socialization targets, who may resist or be otherwise unreceptive to a socializer’s message, or may seek to join the group’; and third, horizontal. If the first two describe an agent’s role in formal, intentional socialization (or resistance to it), the third captures a more subtle and informal kind, where norms and practices may spread within and beyond groups through peer learning and imitation (Rogoff et al., 2003; see also Wheeler, 1961). Socialization happens not from the top down, but sideways’.
- 38.
I understand hospitality as the welcoming of returning ex-combatants by the non-fighting populations and communities. This welcoming is conditional on the returnees’ agreement to uphold discursive civility and commitment to peaceful cooperation. On hospitality as a universal political and civil requirement see Kant (1983) on perpetual peace. On unconditional hospitality see Derrida (2000).
- 39.
Eagleton (2007) dismisses Shils’ understanding of ideology as too simplistic.
- 40.
For an introduction to the history of ideology and various strategies of ideology including a discussion of the Marxist roots and interpretation of ideology as well as of the work of Lukács, Gramsci and Adorno and Althusser see Eagleton (2007). See also the work of Mannheim, Freeden and Zizek on ideology. For an overview see Maynard (2013) and Freeden et al. (2015).
- 41.
Especially Gutiérrez Sanín and Wood (2014: 215) who have defined an ideology as ‘a more or less systematic set of ideas that includes the identification of a referent group […], an enunciation of the grievances or challenges that the group confronts, the identification of objectives on behalf of that group […], and a (perhaps vaguely defined) program of action’ and argue that ideology is used instrumentally in civil wars for socialisation and aims to create a group identity, dampen unruly individualism and increase combat capacity) (ibid.: cf. 219). Also see Thaler (2012), Maynard (2014), Ahmadov and Hughes (2019).
- 42.
Geertz (1963: 223) refers to four sets of explanations that can support an ideology: (1) Cathartic explanation (scapegoating, symbolic enemies, legitimate object of hostility); (2) Morale explanation (ability of ideology to sustain individuals (or groups) in the face of chronic strain; ideology bridges the emotional gap between things as they are and as one would have them be’; (3) Solidarity explanation (power of ideology to knit a social group or class together) and (4) Advocatory explanation (making strains public).
- 43.
The kind of engagement demanded by policy-initiators is ‘complete subservience to the ideology (…) by those who accept it’ (Shils, 1982: 203). They consider it ‘imperative that their conduct should be completely permeated by it. All adherents to the ideology are urgently expected to be in complete agreement with each other’ and to work towards the common cause. This demand was also observed by one of the perpetrators interviewed by Hatzfeld (2006: 16) who said that ‘suddenly Hutus of every kind were patriotic brothers without any partisan discord’.
- 44.
Overall, the are usually few (only 10–15%) of so-called hard-core ideological leaders with lessening commitments to ideology in other members of the armed group.
- 45.
Emerson (2012) shows how the narratives of former combatants in Northern Ireland can help the young to understand the challenge of violence and act as a deterrent form violence.
- 46.
Manekin (2017: 606) warns that ‘Research on socialization can obscure the agency of its targets, presenting socialization as a uni-directional process shaping beliefs and behaviors. This assumption is even stronger for the military, a totalizing institution often portrayed as fashioning its members into violence professionals through a top-down process of domination’ and instead argues that even in strong socialization programmes actors’ agency matters and resistance to socialisation is possible. He (ibid.: 607) understands such resistance as ‘any behavior intended to mitigate or deny claims made by military superiors or to advance soldiers’ own claims towards superiors. Resistance is thus conceptualized as a continuum, ranging from covert, everyday practices like evasion and foot-dragging, to (more rarely) outright insubordination’.
- 47.
Wood (2008: 539), in turn, talks about ‘six social processes: political mobilization, military socialization, polarization of social identities, militarization of local authority, transformation of gender roles, and fragmentation of the local political economy’. On socialization see also Fuji (2017).
- 48.
Wood (2008: 546) lists a range of ‘psychological mechanisms possibly at work in these processes of socialization to group membership and the wielding of violence are compliance, role adoption, internalization of group norms, cognitive dissonance reduction, habituation to violence, diffusion of responsibility onto the group, deindividuation, and dehumanization of the victimized group (…)’.
- 49.
Hoover-Green (2016, 2017) examines formal institutions supporting socialization set up during civil war. She focuses on ‘four types of institutions—recruitment, military training, political education, and disciplinary procedures’ that supported the socialisation of combatants during the civil war in El Salvador. Political education is understood as ‘formal instruction that explains specific social or political purposes of a particular conflict, and connects conflict purposes to specific behavioral norms’ (Hoover-Green, 2016: 9).
- 50.
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Pukallus, S. (2022). Remnants of Civil Life and Civil Potential in Post-civil War Settings. In: Communication in Peacebuilding. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86190-2_3
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