Abstract
Using concrete examples, this chapter focuses on the communicative dimension of civil wars which manifests itself in and through the discursive dehumanisation of a fabricated internal enemy. Discursive dehumanisation occurs across the communicative spectrum of civil society and spans both the factual and fictional mass media as well as the visual and performative arts. Essentially, discursive dehumanisation is a weapon that targets and attempts to destroy civil peace and peaceful cooperation between members of civil society. Civil peace is defined as the communicative performance of the basic three categories of the civil norms of peaceful cooperation: (1) assent to civil peace, (2) substantive civility and (3) building capacity and civil competencies. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the damage done by discursive dehumanisation and the subsequent need for post-civil war peacebuilding to understand this type of weaponised form of communication as well as how it can be combatted.
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Notes
- 1.
Armitage (2018) distinguishes between four traditions of civil war or violence within communities: the Greek tradition of stasis, the Roman bellum civile, the Arabic tradition of fitna and the Chinese conception of internal war.
- 2.
Though it is possible that civil wars spill over into neighbouring countries. Equally, retaliation against external states that intervene militarily which is often considered and treated as terrorism might take place outside the civil war territory.
- 3.
Agamben (2015) traces the meaning and significance of stasis in Ancient Greece. Stasis is, as Armitage (2018) pointed out, a form of violence within communities and it is the ‘within communities’ that Agamben is interested in understanding. Here he uses the work of Nicole Loraux who ‘immediately situates the problem in its specific locus, which is to say, in the relationship between the oikos, the family or the household, and the polis, the city’ (ibid.: 5). For Agamben (ibid.) then ‘Civil war is the stasis emphylos; it is the conflict particular to the phylon’, to blood kinship. It is to such an extent inherent to the family that the phrase ta emphylia (literally, ‘the things internal to the bloodline’) simply means ‘civil wars’.
- 4.
The creation of an enemy that is inferior and has no qualities and represents a threat has a long history. Thucydides in his work on the Peloponnesian War (and specifically the debate at Sparta) attempts to show the differences between the Athenians and the Spartans and how one poses a threat to the other. See Book I.68/69 for a negative description of the Spartans compared to a rather positive one of Athenians in Book I.70/71.
- 5.
This kind of organisation around the friend enemy distinction is a certain kind of boundary maintenance that society undertakes. Though JS Mill in On Liberty does not use the term ‘boundary maintenance’ he shows his awareness of the deep divisions that could arise within civil society and the tyranny one group could exercise over another. Weber and Durkheim equally recognised the importance of societal boundaries—for Durkheim they are normative and symbolic and for Weber they arise from different social statuses. With regard to contemporary civil society whereas Alexander (2006) speaks of boundaries between the civil and non-civil spheres in particular, Harrison (2019a) focuses on boundaries within civil society as articulated through the news media.
- 6.
This distinction was first made by Carl Schmitt for whom politics—or the concept of the political—is defined by the distinction between friend and enemy. He insists in his discussion of the friend–enemy distinction on the public nature of the categories, ‘it is not my enemy but our enemy; that is, “enemy” is a political concept’ (Strong, 2007: xxi). Schmitt (2007 [1932]: 26) himself argues that the ‘specific political distinction to which political actions and motives can be reduced is that between friend and enemy’ which, in turn, ‘denotes the utmost degree of intensity of a union or separation, of an association or dissociation’. To this he (ibid.: 29) adds that the ‘political is the most intense and extreme antagonism and every concrete antagonism becomes that much more political the closer it approaches the most extreme point, that of the friend-enemy grouping’. However, Schmitt does not support the dehumanisation of the enemy (Runciman, 2021).
- 7.
See Shesterinina (2016) who examines in the context of the Georgian-Abkhaz war of 1992–1993 how information about threats is received by individuals and potentially mobilises them. She (ibid.: 411) argues that ‘Abkhaz men and women relied on the familiar social structures of family, friendship, local relation, and national authority for essential information on how to understand the threat presented by the war and how to act in response across a range of combatant, support, and nonfighter roles that existed at the war’s onset’.
- 8.
This is how the poet Seamus Harvey, in his poem Funeral Rites, pointedly refers to civil war.
- 9.
For a critical perspective on Hatzfeld’s work and an engagement with the question to what extent perpetrators can be portrayed accurately and to what extent their testimonies can be seen as genuine especially when editors and translators are involved in the production of these see Hron (2011).
- 10.
- 11.
In a similar vein, Drost (1959) understands genocide as ‘the deliberate destruction of physical life of individual human beings by reason of their membership of any human collectivity as such’ (cited in Jones, 2011: 16). Some authors understand destruction more broadly to include starvation, forced deportation, rape and economic consequences (Huttenbach, 1988; Porter, 1982). They are concerned with what Semelin (2013) and Shaw (2007) refer to as civilian destruction. For further definitions of genocide see Jones (2011: 16–20) and Feierstein (2014). On various genocides see Tatz (2003), on the Bosnian genocide see Cigar (1995). On the psychology of genocide see Baum (2008) and Morrock (2010).
- 12.
For a comparison between the economic and political causes of genocide compared to civil war see Stewart (2011).
- 13.
See also Stanton (2016) who distinguishes between 10 stages of genocide which show various stages that are visible in both civil war and the run up to genocide and as such, support this broad definition of civil war.
- 14.
In her study, Firchow (2018: 6) distinguishes between big-P Peacebuilding and small-p peacebuilding in the following way: ‘Big-P Peacebuilding encompasses all community-level interventions, from humanitarian assistance received immediately after war to longer-term assistance in economic development, health and education, governance reform, conflict resolution, rule of law, transitional justice and security – essentially, everything that purports to work toward a normative goal of peace. In contrast to big-P Peacebuilding, the small-p approach to peacebuilding is one that is focused, often at a more local level, on agency and the transformation or building of relationships with normative goals of peace’—the kind of civil peace I am referring to is peace within civil society and can be seen as close to Firchow’s understanding of a small-p peace.
- 15.
The ‘everyday’ is also an important feature of local peace as Mac Ginty and Richmond (2013: 769) describe it: ‘this should reflect, not displace, localised peace or reconciliation processes, which may be a by-product of other more prosaic processes whereby individuals and communities get on with everyday economic, cultural or survival tasks. The pursuit of everyday tasks may allow individuals and communities in villages, valleys and city neighbourhoods to develop common bonds with members of other ethnic or religious groups, to demystify “the other” and to reconstruct contextual legitimacy’. I discuss local peacebuilding in the next chapter.
- 16.
See Sennett (2013) on (the politics of) cooperation and togetherness.
- 17.
In a similar vein, Sen (2006: 7) argues that ‘the assertion of human commonality has been a part of resistance to degrading attributions in different cultures at different points in time’.
- 18.
- 19.
According to Shils (1982: 5), ‘Durkheim gave much attention to the promulgation of a code of civic morality which would reduce conflict and produce an integrated society’. However, Durkheim (2019) is more concerned with the relationship between citizens and the State than with civil society as such.
- 20.
Category here is understood in Berlin’s (1999) way; that is, categories provide the basic structure of thought for the way in which we think about something. They mould, scope and shape how we think about ‘something’ (in this case peaceful cooperation) and how we relate our experience to that something. They also define the concepts we use to explain this ‘something’. Whenever I refer simply to the civil norms of peaceful cooperation I mean the three categories of the civil norms of peaceful cooperation.
- 21.
- 22.
It is clear that assent to peace will not be given by all citizens of the affected population as war will be preferable for some and peace too costly. Nevertheless, one can consider a community to assent to peace when those assenting to peace are in the majority—in the way Tocqueville in Democracy in America understands the majority; that is, either in terms of number or perceived as the majority.
- 23.
By individual I mean citizens and by collective, I mean citizens as part of and forming civil society. Civil society here is understood in Alexander’s (2006) sense that is comprised of individual citizens and both regulative and communicative institutions including associations. As such, my understanding of civil society extends beyond equalling civil society to non-governmental organisations, NGOs and advocacy groups.
- 24.
This does not simply refer to the formal signing of a peace agreement (which might serve certain sectorial interests and not necessarily the interest of all) but rather how peace is practised and lived in everyday life and how elements of peace are being upheld by individual citizens and civil society. Of course, peace agreements can be ignored and post-conflict settings in general have to deal with a variety of peace spoilers (Stedman, 1997) as well as different kinds of violence (Brewer, 2010). On how civil wars end see Licklieder (ed.) (1993) and on why peace agreements fail see Walter (2002) and Call (2012).
- 25.
- 26.
Levy and Dierkes (2002: 244) refer to this as ‘a contested terrain on which groups with competing memories struggle to generalise their ideal conceptions of society’.
- 27.
Historical amnesia or the whitewashing of history was something that was practised by the European Commission (and before that High Authority) officials at the beginning of European integration. It was a technique that allowed them to leave the past behind, that made it possible for ‘perpetrators’ and ‘victims’ to be of equal civil standing and be future-facing. This, I turn, was necessary in order to bring about the European integration successfully (see Guisan, 2012; Pukallus, 2019; Seidel, 2010).
- 28.
A Truth (and Reconciliation) Commissions (TRC) is (1) ‘focused in the past, rather than ongoing events; investigates a pattern of events that took place over a period of time; (3) engages directly and broadly with the affected population, gathering information on their experience; (4) is a temporary body, with the aim of concluding with a final report; and (5) is officially authorised or empowered by the state under review’ (Hayner, 2010: 11f.). TRC have been undertaken for example in South Africa, Guatemala, Timor-Leste and Peru, Argentina, Chile, El Salvador and Colombia—some have been more successful in contributing to reconciliation than others.
- 29.
The making of sacrifices is for Sennett (2013) a reflection on the depth of commitment one has made. The commitment can be measured by the extent of a person’s willingness to make sacrifices. In their joint work with Cobb and Sennett develop the notion of a sacrificial contract. Though they mean by it the ‘sacrificial contract, in which workers make what they consider to be sacrifice for others, especially family members, with the implicit expectation that such sacrifice will be repaid with respect or gratitude’ (Barbalet, 1992: 158), it is a notion that resonates with the idea of assenting to civil peace as a form of sacrificial contract. On sacrifice as transformation and renewal see Eagleton (2018).
- 30.
Others have emphasised the importance of respect for societies. See Arendt (1998 [1958]: 243) who defines respect as ‘a kind of friendship without intimacy and without closeness’ and ‘a regard for the person (…) independent of qualities which we may admire or achievements which we may highly esteem’ and see Sennett (2003) who points to the complexity of the concept and concerns himself with the question of how respect can actually be performed in such a way that can be noticed by the person we respect.
- 31.
- 32.
Staub (2008: 250) explains that ‘Discrimination is a matter of how institutions operate. Laws often institutionalize discrimination. Discriminatory laws and institutions are, in turn, justified by increased devaluation. While devaluation between groups in a society can be mutual, it is the more powerful group that can institutionalize devaluation through discriminatory laws and practices, practices that progressively enhance devaluation’. Such discrimination has happened in Rwanda and to a large extent also in Myanmar where the Rohingya were in fact turned into non-citizens. See also Abdelkader (2014).
- 33.
The term was coined by Thoreau in 1848 when he refused to pay a newly introduced state poll. Also see Shklar (2019) on civil disobedience in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Rawls (1999: 320) defines civil disobedience as ‘a public, non-violent, conscientious yet political act contrary to law usually done with the aim of bringing about a change in the law or policies of the government. By acting in this way one addresses the sense of justice of the majority of the community and declares that in one’s considered opinion the principles of social cooperation between free and equal men are not being respected’. It is ‘a form of dissent at the boundary of fidelity to law’ (ibid.: 322). Civil disobedience has the following features: conscientiousness, political motivation, desire for change in law or policy, publicity expectation or acceptance of punishment which shows fidelity to law. Müller (2019) extends the argument to uncivil and argues there ‘is nothing wrong with being uncivil, as long as a number of conditions hold. First, the confrontation is directly with the person involved in the unjust practices to which one seeks to draw attention (…). Second, confrontations have to plausibly communicate the actual injustice or flaw with the democratic process (…)’. Some of the most famous acts of civil disobedience that led to the desired change in policy and law and thereby to social change were Martin Luther’s actions against segregation and Rosa Parks’ refusal to vacate a seat on the bus for a white passenger.
- 34.
Granovetter (1973: 1376) argues that weak ties can be of advantage for association because they ‘are more likely to link members of different small groups than are strong ones, which tend to be concentrated within particular groups’.
- 35.
Nussbaum (2016: 173) sees both love and trust as ‘the willingness to place important elements of one’s own good in the hands of others (…) rather than engaging in self-protective and evasive actions’. She (ibid.: 212) also emphasises that trust is ‘a necessary part of the stability, hence the legitimacy, of any society’.
- 36.
This is why local approaches to peacebuilding are vital. For local approaches to peacebuilding see particularly the works of Roger Mac Ginty and Oliver Richmond. Also see Thiranagama et al. (2018) on the question of ‘whose civility’—though the focus is on understandings of civility and the colonial baggage that comes with the term ‘civility’ the problematic equally applies to the question of ‘whose civil norms’. It is vital that peacebuilding does not impose a specific version of civil norms or a way of how the three categories have to be interpreted but that it is guided by local mores and knowledge in order to avoid any impression of neo-colonial peacebuilding.
- 37.
Allen (2006) distinguishes wholeness from oneness, which she understands as homogeneity.
- 38.
Also see Hobsbawn and Ranger (eds.) (2012) on the invention of tradition.
- 39.
Of course I am not suggesting that discourse is the sole reason for an outbreak of violence, but I do believe, in agreement with Savage (2013), that civil war has to be discursively prepared.See Valentino (2005) who argues that there is no quantitative evidence for a causal link between propaganda/social cleavages and an outbreak of violence. On roots of and influences on violence see Staub (2013a, 2013b) and Uvin (1999) who compares the factors contributing to the onset of violence in Burundi and Rwanda. Also see McDoom (2005).
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
On the relationship between attribute-based dehumanisation and metaphor-based dehumanisation see Loughnan et al. (2009).
- 43.
On the political struggles between good and evil see Harle (2000). Whereas Neiman (2002: 7) argues that the problem of evil ‘is fundamentally a problem about the intelligibility of the world as whole’ and that ‘morality demands that we make it intelligible’ (ibid.: 8), for Eagleton (2010: 16) evil ‘is indeed metaphysical, in the sense that it takes up an attitude toward being as such, not just toward this or that bit of it. Fundamentally, it wants to annihilate the lot of it. But this is not to suggest that it is necessarily supernatural, or that it lacks all human causality’. For both Neiman and Eagleton evil can be understood as something explicable (not ineffable) and something that demands our attention. On evil see also Waller (2007: 13) who defines human evil as ‘the deliberate harming of humans by other humans’; that is, ‘deliberate harm inflicted against a defenseless and helpless group targeted by a political, social, or religious authority’ (ibid.: 14). Also see Bernstein (2008), Calder (2003), Card (2010), Staub (2010), Singer (2004) and Snow (2016).
- 44.
Neilsen (2015) speaks about ‘toxification’ as being a more appropriate indicator or warning sign for genocide that dehumanisation. She (2015: 86) argues that ‘dehumanization says nothing to the perception of killing a certain group being a necessity’ and that it ‘does not necessitate an individual’s mistreatment, abuse, or murder, but simply renders it more tolerable in the eyes of the dehumanizer’. Accordingly, she (ibid.: 87) claims that looking for toxication as a warning sign for genocidal intent is more insightful as ‘a toxic presence that must be cauterized and destroyed’. I don’t find this very convincing as toxification is difficult to distinguish from pollution/disease which is dehumanising but unless accompanied by an eliminationist discourse cannot be taken as genocidal intent either. Accordingly, to look for an eliminationist discourse in Bernard’s (2009) sense is probably more reliable than signs of ‘toxification’ and makes another helpful distinction. She (ibid.: 184) argues that calling something eliminationist discourse is a useful ‘to distinguish it from standard political content or even hate speech’.
- 45.
- 46.
By anti-civil is meant ‘the other’ who is ‘alien’ and incompatible with who ‘we’ are and what ‘we’ do. The anti-civil ‘focuses on the impossibility of reconciling difference and emphasising “the alien other” as pure alterity’ (Harrison, 2019a: 170). On the distinction between civil and anti-civil see Alexander (1997, 2006), Harrison (2019a), Harrison and Pukallus (2021).
- 47.
I understand partisan communication in the way in which Harrison (2019b: 9), based on Schmitt (2007 [1963]), defines partisan media as displaying four aspects which can be summarised as (1) conceiving of civil society’s communicative space as a battleground where (2) the battle is intensely political and upholds the friend/enemy distinction through discursive antagonism. (3) Partisan media ‘encourage interactivity, involvement and, above all, the mobilization of their audiences to affirm their message and to protest against those perceived' to represent ‘the other’ and (4) is funded by a specific cause. Overall, partisan media rely on fake news, the spread of rumours, distortions, lies and continue to uphold negative stereotypes, scapegoating theories and enemy images. Harrison (2019b) uses this characterisation for partisan media in a democratic setting. I amended the criteria slightly to reflect the specific character of post-civil war settings.
- 48.
This has also been studied with regard to the American Civil War and even the English Civil War. However, the dissemination of the enemy image via communication (or often referred to as propaganda) has been more widely studied in inter-state wars. Examples here are WWI and WWII as well as the Cold War.
- 49.
On anger, its significance for political communities and forgiveness as well as different kinds of anger see Nussbaum (2016).
- 50.
On fear-driven disgust see Nussbaum (2018).
- 51.
In the context of the two World Wars, Mosse (1991) also talks about dehumanisation and discursive dehumanisation. He (ibid.: 172) argues that the ‘dehumanization of the enemy was one of the most fateful consequences of this process of brutalization. Stereotypes spread by word and picture were perhaps the most effective means toward this end’. To this he (ibid.) adds that ‘Atrocity stories became a staple … No holds were barred, and as social as well as sexual taboos which previously had played a role in restraining the iconography of some stereotypes were now discarded’ and that the ‘effectiveness of such stereotypes was greatly enhanced but the ample use of visual material; illustrations were always more effective than the printed word in reaching the population’. What this shows is that discursive dehumanisation has a long history—some examples of Mosse go back a couple of centuries and it has continued to be practised because of being so effective.
- 52.
Ellis (2006: cf. 21) distinguishes between trait characterisation, outcasting, dehumanisation, political labels and group comparison as part of what he calls a ‘delegitimitation process’.
- 53.
- 54.
The use of animals as metonyms is quite common also in political philosophy. Isaiah Berlin famously spoke of the fox and the hedgehog, Locke spoke of the ‘Beasts of Prey’ that populate the state of nature (see Smith, 2012, cf. 167–169) and Machiavelli compared humans with animals on various occasions throughout the Prince. On criminals as animals in literature see Olson (2013).
- 55.
Kimani (2007: 110) argues (and it is worth quoting at length) that it ‘is important to remember that RTLM broadcasts were not responsible for introducing the language and ideology of hatred into the Rwandan community. Such language and the ideology of ethnic conflict and polarization already existed in Rwanda in the form of a powerful social construct involving ethnic identity’ (also Kirschke, 1996).
- 56.
Colombia also has a history of using metaphors of animalisation and name calling. This was the case during La Violencia but has continued since. The Colombian repertoire of these metaphors of animalisation and name calling (often undertaken via cartoons and caricatures) includes the portrayal of certain groups of the population (including the guerrilla, police officers and politicians) as pigs, birds, black vultures and snakes as well as gorillas and savages.
- 57.
According to Keen (1986) there exists a standard repertoire of enemy images which include the enemy as the stranger, the aggressor, the enemy of God, the barbarian, the greed-driven, the criminal, the torturer, the rapist; the beast, reptile, insect, germ; as death or the worthy opponent.
- 58.
Chrétien also provides a list of extremist journals that were in circulation in Rwanda at the time of or in the run-up to the genocide. Also de la Brosse (1995).
- 59.
As stipulated in the Convention on Genocide public officials, leaders and private citizens can be convicted of the crime of genocide under the Convention. This includes journalists. The judgement in The Prosecutor v. Nahimana et al. is an important one as it had to balance aspects of freedom of expression, hate speech and genocide. Gordon (2004: 140f.) provides a summary of the judgement: ‘On December 3, 2003, former Trial Chamber I of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) handed down its judgment in The Prosecutor v. Nahimana et al., the so-called “Media Case.” The three defendants—Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, founders of the infamous Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), often called “Radio Machete,” and Hassan Ngeze, editor-in- chief of the equally infamous newspaper Kangura—were convicted of genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity (extermination and persecution). RTLM, through the airwaves, and Kangura, through print, exhorted Rwanda's Hutu majority population to exterminate the country's Tutsi minority. For their crimes, Nahimana and Ngeze were sentenced to life imprisonment, while Barayagwiza was sentenced to 35 years imprisonment’.
- 60.
The most detailed accounts on hate media during the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda is the volume edited by Thompson (2007). Contributions look at the way in which RTLMC was used, analyse its messages both qualitatively and quantitatively and discuss to what extent RTLMC can be seen as having caused the genocide. They equally look at media other than RTLMC during the genocide and in the post-genocide setting. It is also important to note that radio was one of the most effective means of ‘communication’ as Rwanda only had a literacy rate of 66% (see Gendron, 2012). This was also the case in Biafra during the Nigerian Civil War. Printed media were less effective in spreading the propaganda message ‘that the Nigerian “vandals” were waging a genocidal campaign against the Biafran people’ (Doron, 2014: 229) though newspapers were nevertheless used (Ibeawuchi Omenka, 2010).
- 61.
- 62.
However, what seemed to have happened was that this was done by participants on radio talk shows who were very angry. The journalists weren’t trained to moderate such outbursts and to keep disagreement at an agonistic level and accordingly, discourse that was broadcast degenerated (see Ismail & Deane, 2008) before journalists were able to pull the speakers off air (RWB, 2008). See also Chebii (2015).
- 63.
For a detailed analysis of Radio Okapi’s election coverage in 2006, 2011 and 2018 see Kayumba (forthcoming); also Vollhardt et al. (2007).
- 64.
The use of music in (civil) war is a long-standing tradition and can be seen in rebel folk, the martial nature of anthems and military music for example (see also Kent, 2008; Grant et al., 2010). Interestingly, sometimes the divisive messages outlive the war period and remain part of national anthems without having the divisive and possibly inciting to violence effect that it used to have during wartimes. An example of this is the English National Anthem which in its last verse conveys anti-Scottish sentiment: ‘May he sedition hush, And like a torrent rush, Rebellious Scots to crush’.
- 65.
Songs like this one have survived and are still sung at football matches (especially Celtic-Rangers games that are associated with sectarian and political community identities) or around the Summer marching season (the fortnight before the Twelfth of July parades). Their use is controversial because of the hostile lyrics.
- 66.
This is explained by Gendron (2012: 94) as follows: ‘Co-opting religion for the purposes of inciting racist sentiment, the so-called “Ten Commandments of the Hutu” proclaimed the need for the “majority” to retain control of Rwandan education and military. It also accused all Hutu who would engage in business or emotional transactions with the “common enemy” as traitors’.
- 67.
However, in the end he was sentenced for something not directly related to his music. McCoy (2009: 93) explains that while ‘Bikindi's prosecutors requested a life sentence, the maximum penalty imposed by the ICTR, on 2 December 2008, the court sentenced Bikindi to fifteen years incarceration. However, his punishment was due not directly to his songs, but instead to a rallying speech he gave from the back of a truck. Because the songs were composed before 1994, the judges ruled they fell outside of the court's temporal jurisdiction. Nevertheless, the judges cited Bikindi's celebrity status as “an aggravating factor” that warranted his trial at the ICTR rather than at local Rwandan courts’.
- 68.
- 69.
Not all communication in a civil war setting will be anti-civil and partisan. However, the feeling that anti-civil and partisan communication is generally accepted and used in fact as a legitimisation for violence is sufficient to instil fear and terror and support the friend/enemy polarisation.
- 70.
These need to be at least stimulated to get the civil war going but continue throughout the ciivl war. The intensity depends though on individual’s and groups’ identification with.
- 71.
On how ordinary civilians become involved in resistance and rebellion in civil wars and who they are see Peterson (2001). Mueller (2000: 43f.) argues that the violence in Rwanda and former Yugoslavia ‘was carried out chiefly by small, ill-disciplined, and essentially cowardly bands of thugs and bullies’. Others were driven by greed and looting rather than by an ideological commitment. They enjoyed the newly found comfort, the money, the food, the ‘luxury’ of having a radio and sufficient batteries to run it as they wished (see Clark, 2009; Hatzfeld, 2006; Straus, 2013). Overall, the perpetrators were what Straus (2004, 2013) calls ‘ordinary men’.
- 72.
Girls that are recruited as soldiers often become victims of rape and sexual slavery. They fear that they cannot return to their families and communities because they are no longer pure. Often they become pregnant and/or married to someone from the rebel group which makes the return more difficult. Because girls usually don’t become fighters they are often not eligible for DDR programmes and thereby disadvantaged. An exception to the abuse of girls and women in rebel groups was the Ethiopian rebel forces of the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) which highly regarded women, considered them equals to men and forbid rape and non-wanted sexual advances (see Veale, 2003). On female child soldiers see for example Russell and Godziak (2006).
- 73.
Themnér (2013: 298) shows that in fact and ‘Contrary to popular perceptions, former fighters are not reckless and greedy individuals who are easily stirred to violence’. Similarly, McMullin (2013a: 395) argues that ‘A 2008 US Institute of Peace survey found, however, that two-thirds of Liberian ex-combatants said they would never go back to war. Another 2008 survey found that only two of 466 young ex-combatant respondents said they would join an armed group if fighting were to resume, and only one said he would join a conflict in a neighbouring country’. See also Söderström (2015) who showed that ex-combatants were even hesitant to join peaceful protests as they feared that this would either contribute to their stigmatisation of being violent if the protests didn’t remain peaceful or that they wouldn’t be listened to but done away with ‘ex-combatants just making noise’.
- 74.
- 75.
There have also been instances where journalists have considered the journalists of other news organisation with different views as enemies or traitors. They have gone so far as to publish the names, home and work addresses, name of the spouses and children, the address of the school where the children go, etc., and asked their audience to ‘do the right thing’. See de la Brosse (1995) and Thompson (1999).
- 76.
On ties see Goette et al. (2012).
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Pukallus, S. (2022). Civil War as Discursive Dehumanisation. In: Communication in Peacebuilding. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86190-2_2
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