Household Structures

Abstract

The average household size is shrinking. Nuclear family is a predominant family structure in Southeast Asia long before industrialization. Most older adults live with their children although increasingly more live alone or with only spouse.

1 Average Household Size in Southeast Asia, 1980–2010

The average household size is calculated as the mean average number of people per household by household type.

Figure 5.1 indicates how the average household size has generally declined in Southeast Asia over the past three decades from 1980 to 2010. Lao PDR has the largest average household size at 5.9 persons in 2005 which declined only slightly from 6.0 in 1995. All other SEA countries have had a household size of about 5 in 1980, and have experienced a decline over the decades at varying trajectories. Factors affecting this phenomenon include the overall marriage and fertility decline in the region (Fig. 4.1a, b) and increased migration in the region. Singapore has the smallest household size at 3.5 persons in 2010, with Indonesia close behind at 3.9 persons. Interestingly, household size in Thailand appears to decrease at a faster rate than Singapore from 5.1 to 4.9 in 1980 respectively to 3.7 persons (for both countries) in 2000. The household size in Vietnam has also been declining rapidly from about 4.8 in 1985 to below 3.8 in 2005. The Philippines, Myanmar, and Cambodia still have a household size of about 5 in the early 2000s. These trends also suggest that intergenerational co-resident households are still prevalent in Southeast Asia (Esteve & Liu, 2014).

Fig. 5.1

Average household size in Southeast Asia, 1980–2010. Source Various Statistical Offices, IPUMS-international, Demographic Health Surveys and United Nations data, as cited from Esteve and Liu (2014, p. 34). Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, p. 124. Note No information for Brunei

2 Household Types in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010

2.1 Nuclear Households with Children

Nuclear family households, or households composed of a couple with children, are still the most common form of household in Southeast Asia. However, consistent with the general trend of decreasing fertility rates in the region, the proportion of nuclear families has been increasing since the 1970s. Large drops in the number of married couples with children were observed in Singapore where the proportion dropped from 66.5% in 1990 to 56.0% in 2010, in Thailand from 50.6% in 1980 to 43.7% in 2000, and in Indonesia from 59.6% in 2000 to 53.0% in 2010 (Fig. 5.2). These recent declines indicate the increase in other types of family structure. Studies have shown that the nuclear family system in Java dates back to at least the nineteenth century and to as early as the fifteenth century in Vietnam (Schrö der-Butterfill, 2004; Schrö der-Butterfill & Marianti, 2006) .

Fig. 5.2

Percent of nuclear households with children in Southeast Asian countries, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, pp. 128–129. Notes (a) No information available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste. (b) Singapore data refer to married couples only, no cohabitation

2.2 Number of Nuclear Households Without Children Are Rising

In comparison with the idealized nuclear family households which includes children, there appears to be a low incidence of childless nuclear households although we see a gradually rising trend of married or cohabiting households with no children in the region from 1970 to 2010. From about 1.5–2.9% in the 1970s, households with married or cohabiting couples with no children range around 2–5% in 2010 (Fig. 5.3). Singapore is, again, an exception where the proportion of married or cohabiting couples with no children has been high, from 8.4% in 1990 to 13.7% in 2010, or almost three to six times higher than the figures in other SEA countries.

Fig. 5.3

% of childless nuclear households in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, pp. 128–129. Notes (a) Data not available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste. (b) Singapore data refer to married couples only, no cohabitation

Recent trends in Vietnam and Thailand also show a rapid increase in this type of household. In Vietnam, households of childless married/cohabiting couples rose by 135% in ten years while Thailand’s numbers rose by 176% in twenty years.

Other countries in the region showed a slow and gradual increase over the past years such as the Philippines where households of childless couples only rose by 25.3% in ten years, in Malaysia by 33.2% over twenty years, and in Cambodia where households of childless couples increased by 36.1% in ten years. Indonesia also showed an increasing trend from 1970 to 2000 though a gradual reversal from 2000 to 2010.

2.3 No Clear Trend for Extended Family Households

Next to nuclear family households, extended family households are also prevalent in Southeast Asia. Extended family households are households that are composed of a nuclear family and another person/s who is/are related to either the husband or the wife. An example would be three-generation households where at least one grandparent resides with one of their married children as well as their grandchildren. Figure 5.4 shows that the incidences are highly varied across countries with numbers ranging from 10% in Vietnam to 40% in Thailand in the early 2000s.

Fig. 5.4

% of extended family households in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Notes (a) Data not available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, Singapore, and Timor-Leste. (b) Year 2000 data for Indonesia are from the year 2005

The proportion of extended family households has been consistently high in Thailand, and it has been increasing since the 1970s. There has also been a recent rise in extended family households in Cambodia, Indonesia, and Vietnam. From 2000 to 2010, Indonesia and Vietnam’s extended family households increased by 4–5%, a much faster movement than Cambodia’s 1% increase within the same period.

On the other hand, we could see extended family households declined in Malaysia from 1980 to 2000 by about 7 percentage points. Indonesia saw a decrease since 1990 but a reverse trend since 2000. Figures for the Philippines barely moved in ten years with 26.9% in 1990 and 26.8% in 2000.

2.4 Decreasing Single-Parent Households

Available data show that single-parent households are not common in Southeast Asia compared to Western societies. Figure 5.5 shows that the prevalence is lower than 10% in all countries, and there is a general decrease in single-parent households (SPH) in this area from 1970–2010. Malaysia in particular experienced a drastic drop in SPH in only a decade, from 9.3% in 1970 to 5.1% in 1980. It continued to drop over the years at a slower rate and had the lowest incidence of SPH among all other Southeast Asian countries in 2000. Other countries which have had rapidly declining SPH rates are Vietnam and Cambodia, at similar rates. In Vietnam, SPH decreased by almost 40% in two decades, from 1990 to 2010. Similarly, the incidence of SPH in Cambodia decreased by almost 20% in only a decade. On the contrary, there appears to be a gradual increase in the rates of such households in Thailand and a marginal increase for the Philippines, from 4.7% in 1970 to 5.6% in 2010, and from 4.3% in 1990 to 4.5% in 2000, respectively.

Fig. 5.5

% of single-parent households (SPH) in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, pp. 128–129. Notes Data not available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste

2.5 Drop in the Prevalence of Composite Households

Composite households are households where at least one of the persons living in that household is not related in any way to the head of the family.¹ Figure 5.6 indicates that composite households in the region, which are more common than SPH, have dropped considerably in the last four decades. From having the highest percentage of composite households at 11.0% in 1970, Thailand in 2000 had one of the lowest numbers of such households at around 2% together with Indonesia and Cambodia. Cambodia’s numbers slid a bit further to 1.76% in 2010 while Indonesia went slightly up to 2.12% in the same year. Although Malaysia started at around the same level as Indonesia in 1970 before a rapid drop which was slightly cushioned in 1980, its 2000 figures of 3% are still one percentage point higher than Indonesia’s.

Fig. 5.6

% of composite households in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, pp. 128–129. Notes Data not available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste

The Philippines and Vietnam mirrored the overall decline from 1990 to 2000 although at different levels. The Philippines has the highest proportion of composite households in the region based on recent data at 4.9% while Vietnam has the lowest proportion at close to 0%. In the urban Philippines, household sharing for economic and social support is common even among non-relatives (Dommaraju & Tan, 2014) which may contribute to the relatively higher number of composite households in the country.

2.6 Rising One-Person Households

One-person household (OPH) is a growing global phenomenon that is not yet prevalent in Southeast Asia except in Singapore where OPH rose dramatically from 6% in 1980 to 12% in 2010, as seen in Fig. 5.7, and continued to increase since then. This is about six times higher than the rest of Southeast Asia where OPH in 2010 was around 2.3%. However, this is still lower than economically developed East Asian countries such as Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan where OPH is at 32.4%, 23.9% and 22%, respectively, or in OECD countries (except Mexico) where OPH ranges from 17 to 38% of all households (Yeung & Cheung, 2015, p. 1100). An interview with elderlies living alone in Singapore revealed that living alone was either a product of circumstance or a personal preference, although most have expressed their preference for it after initially being forced by circumstances to live alone (Wong & Verbrugge, 2009, p. 215).

Fig. 5.7

% of one-person households (OPH) in Southeast Asia, 1970–2010. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4. Data for Singapore from Population in Brief 2016, pp. 128–129. Notes Data not available for Brunei, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Timor-Leste

From a very low proportion of 0.85% in 1970, Thailand’s OPH has also shown indications of a steep rise since 1990 reaching 2.32% in 2000, overtaking Malaysia and Indonesia which had higher OPH rates in the 1970s to the 1990s. Podhisita and Xenos (2015) observed that high OPH rates are recorded in the Thai urban sector for females, and for both urban and rural among males, suggesting that joining the military or monkhood may play a role in such patterns.

Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam’s OPH levels are also rising albeit at a slower rate than Singapore and Thailand.

With regard to the demographics of people living alone, Podihista and Xenos (2015) noted that young single people (ages 15–29) are a minority, while the elderly and single account for about 6% in Indonesia (females), to over 20% in Malaysia, the Philippines (males), Thailand (males), and Vietnam (females) (p. 1136). Young adults who live alone in group quarters are common. Despite the large variability of OPH among countries when disaggregated according to gender, age, marital status, and location, the authors noticed that generally, OPH is rising among the young, declines in middle age and surges very high among the elderly. They also argued that while OPH levels are low in the region, they are significant enough to warrant policy considerations.

3 Living Arrangements Among Older Adults in Southeast Asia

Considering that Southeast Asia is at the onset of a population ageing trend with Singapore and Thailand paving the way followed by Vietnam and Indonesia, it is important to examine the living arrangements of the elderly.

3.1 Living with Their Children or Spouse

Figure 5.8a, b show that the proportion of the elderly living with their children is still predominant in Southeast Asia, with numbers ranging from 50 to 70% of adults in each country under specific age groups. Across countries, Thailand has the highest proportion of the elderly living with their children, especially among elderly females regardless of age group, with the proportion increasing as they age. Malaysia and Indonesia are also following the same trend for females, contrary to the Philippines’ inversely proportional movement. For the elderly males, Cambodia has the highest proportion particularly among the 65–69 and 70–74 age groups while Thailand dominates the 80+ age groups. Cambodia’s trend shows a decreasing proportion of elderly males living with their children as they age, contrary to Thailand’s increasing trend. In Myanmar, about 77% of older adults live with their children (based on 2012 figures) (Knodel & Nguyen, 2015, p. 1967) while in Singapore, about 23% are in three-generation households (based on 2014 figures) (Ministry of Social & Family Development, 2015, p. 7).

Fig. 5.8

a % of elderly females living with at least one child in Southeast Asia, by latest available year, b % of elderly males living with at least one child in Southeast Asia, by latest available year. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4

Among the Chinese Singaporeans in Singapore, caring for their elderly parents is seen as an epitome of filial piety and hence co-residence with them is a common practice (Voon Chin & Loh, 2008, p. 659). Living with them however is not solely dependent on individual family’s preferences but is also influenced by other factors, one of which is the state’s housing policies that facilitate co-residence. In most cases, practical and emotional considerations as well as changing cultural and social norms largely affect co-residence choices not only in Singapore but in Thailand and the Philippines as well (Asis et al., 1995; Mehta et al., 1995). Asis et al. (1995) attribute the prevalence of cultural norms about the family’s primary role as an institution for elderly caregiving to encouraging co-residence in these countries.

3.2 Rise in the Number of Independently Living Older Adults

In this report, older adults who are living independently are categorized into two groups: (1) those who are living solely with their spouse, and (2) those who live on their own.

The next most common living arrangement among the elderly is to live with their spouse. Figure 5.9a, b show that more males are living with their spouses compared to females due to the longer life expectancy of females than males. The percentage of female older adults who are living with their spouses accounts for around 40–50% of the 65–69-year olds, with the numbers decreasing as they age, dropping down to the 10–20% level when they reach their 80s. This number is only about half of the males, where around 80% of the 65–69-year olds live solely with their spouse, with the numbers decreasing as they age, falling to the 50–60% levels in their 80+ years.

Fig. 5.9

a % of elderly females living solely with spouse in Southeast Asia, by latest available year, b % of elderly males living solely with spouse in Southeast Asia, by latest year. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4

At first glance, the percentage of the elderly who are living on their own in Southeast Asia is still not as common as those who live with their children or their spouse, accounting for barely 20% of female elderlies (Fig. 5.10a) and 10% of males (Fig. 5.10b) within the respective countries and age groups. Across countries and age groups, Indonesia has the highest proportion of female elderly living alone (14–18%), followed by Vietnam (10.8–16.9%), and Malaysia (9.5–13.9%). Less than 8% of female elderlies in the 65–69, 70–74, 75–79, and 80+ age groups are living alone in Cambodia, the Philippines, and Thailand.

Fig. 5.10

a % of female elderly living alone in Southeast Asia, latest available year, b % of male elderly living alone in Southeast Asia, latest available year. Source IPUMS-international Version 6.4

Compared with women, Fig. 5.10b also shows that there is a smaller proportion of older men living alone (below 10% within each age group). From just above 4% in the 65–69 age group, the proportion increases as they get older before reaching the peak at around 6.8–9.3% when they reach above the age of 80. An exception to this is Cambodia where only 0.9% of men in their 80s live alone.

In Myanmar, depending on the age group, around 14.3–28.2% of older persons aged 60+ live alone (Teerawichitchainan et al., 2015, p. 1341) while in Singapore, about 8% of older persons aged 65+ live alone (Department of Statistics, 2011).

The percentage of the older adults living alone in Southeast Asia is still lower compared with the rest of Asia, although the numbers are close to China where about 9% (Lei et al., 2015, p. 195) to 12% (Ren & Treiman, 2015, p. 265) of people aged 60+ are living alone. Southeast Asian figures are also lower than the 2010 figures for Korea where the number of older adults living alone has radically risen in the past decades. From just 5% in 1980, the percentage of women aged 65+ who live alone in 2010 has reached 30%, or a 500% increase in 30 years, while men registered a 400% increase within the same period of time (Park & Choi, 2015, pp. 1187–1188).