Pornography Use in Adolescence and Young Adulthood

Abstract

In this chapter, the authors critically review the body of research on adolescents’ and emerging adults’ pornography use and its consequences. We start with a number of theoretical concepts—including social learning and comparison theories, sexual scripting, self-objectification theory, the confluence model, the value congruence model, cultivation and media practice models developed in communication science, and the differential susceptibility to media model—that have been employed in the field, mainly with the goal of understanding possible effects of youth pornography use. Next, we explore the prevalence (both pre- and post-internet), the dynamics (i.e., change over time), and correlates of pornography exposure and use. Associations between pornography use on the one hand and sexual risk taking and sexual aggression on the other hand are explored in separate sections. The role of pornography use in young people’s psychological and sexual well-being is also explored, focusing on possible negative, but also positive outcomes. Acknowledging rising societal concerns, we also reviewed the research on the role of parents in their children’s experience with pornography, as well as the potential contribution of emerging pornography literacy programs. In the final section, we present some recommendations for future research. In particular, much needed measurement (for pornography use and its specific content) and research design improvements are suggested, and practical implications are briefly discussed.

Spotlight Feature: Sexually Explicit Media Use Among Sexual and Gender Minority Adolescents

• Kathryn Macapagal &
• Kimberly M. Nelson 

1. Institute for Sexual and Gender Minority Health, Northwestern University, Chicago, IL, USA

   Kathryn Macapagal

2. Department of Community Health Sciences, Boston University School of Public Health, Boston, MA, USA

   Kimberly M. Nelson

The use of sexually explicit media (SEM), for example, pornography, sexual networking applications, sexually explicit blogs, and magazines, is common among adolescents. Heterosexual youth report diverse motivations for using SEM, including curiosity about sex, sexual pleasure, and education (e.g., Peter & Valkenburg, 2016). Although sexual and gender minority (SGM) adolescents likely share similar motivations for using SEM, they may also have differing experiences related to their SGM identity.

In the absence of school-based sex education designed for SGM adolescents, they often turn to alternate sources for information on sexual orientation, gender identity, and same-sex/gender sexual behavior, including websites and other online media (e.g., Dawson et al., 2020; Nelson et al., 2019a). This research largely has relied on SGM young adults’ retrospective accounts, with few studies focused on SGM adolescents themselves.

Studies of SEM use among SGM adolescents find that exposure to SEM among sexual minority adolescent males in the United States is nearly universal, with 80–90% or more of youth reporting use of pornography (Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015; Macapagal et al., 2019b; Nelson et al., 2019b). Fewer SGM male adolescents report use of other media, such as magazines, photos, or erotica (Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015; Macapagal et al., 2019b), likely reflecting the widespread availability of online pornography. Little is known about the prevalence of SEM use among sexual minority adolescent females or gender minority youth.

Sexual minority adolescent males report using SEM to learn about body parts involved in sex and their functions (Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015; Macapagal et al., 2019b). Other benefits of SEM use include facilitating exploration of youth’s sexual minority identity and attractions, learning the mechanics of male-male sex, and sexual roles (e.g., top/bottom; Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015; Macapagal et al., 2019b; Nelson et al., 2019b). Although sexual minority adolescent males may find SEM educational, the accuracy of the information remains unclear. Further, experiences with SEM are not uniformly positive. Sexual minority adolescent males have indicated that SEM provides unrealistic expectations about bodies and sex (Macapagal et al., 2019b; Nelson et al., 2019b). Two studies have also found that exposure to condomless male-male sex in SEM may be related to condomless sex among sexual minority male adolescents (Arrington-Sanders et al., 2015; Nelson et al., 2019b).

Although the literature on SEM use in SGM adolescents has focused largely on online pornography, participatory media (e.g., sexual networking smartphone applications, social media) are increasingly being used for sexual purposes. These newer media can facilitate exchanging sexually explicit material between SGM adolescents and adult partners, or partnering between adolescents and adults, which may pose significant risks for both parties. For instance, Macapagal et al. (2018) found that over half of sexual minority adolescent males reported using smartphone applications (e.g., Grindr) to meet male partners for sex or to have sexually explicit online conversations with them. Relatedly, Ybarra and Mitchell (2016) found that sexual minority adolescents may be more likely than heterosexual adolescents to sext. Attention to how these internet-mediated sexual behaviors impact adolescent sexual relationships and the legal implications of sharing sexual content created by and picturing minors (Strasburger et al., 2019) are important avenues for research and policy.

As SEM use among SGM individuals has been studied primarily in the context of HIV prevention research, our limited knowledge centers on sexual minority adolescent males, with scant attention to SEM experiences among sexual minority adolescent females and gender minority adolescents. One Swedish study reported that lesbian and bisexual girls were more likely to view pornography compared to heterosexual girls (Mattebo et al., 2016). A qualitative study of gender minority adolescents in the United States found that some youth learned about sex and their gender identity through pornography, but at the same time felt that depictions of transgender people in SEM could be inaccurate or harmful (Bradford et al., 2019). For example, one participant reported that exposure to transphobic online pornography during adolescence gave them “the wrong idea of what [being trans] was,” which negatively impacted their sense of self. This same participant indicated that this type of pornography was easier to access than medically accurate sexual health information. Unpublished qualitative data from the lead author on transgender and nonbinary adolescents suggests that sexual networking smartphone application use is not uncommon, but that use of such media may be unsatisfying due to lack of representation of people of diverse genders, and concerns about disclosing one’s gender identity to others.

Potential obstacles to research on SEM use in SGM adolescents are scientists’ and ethics review boards’ concerns about the risks, appropriateness, and intrusiveness of conducting sexuality research with SGM adolescents (Mustanski, 2011). There may also be concerns about studying illicit behaviors as access to SEM is typically restricted by law and/or terms of service to those who have reached the age of majority in their location (frequently age 18 or 21). This reluctance may be amplified in locales where identifying as SGM remains illegal or highly stigmatized. However, research suggests that, at least in some regions of the world, many SGM adolescents are comfortable answering questions about sex relative to other types of health-related questions (e.g., Macapagal et al., 2019a). Guidelines on navigating sensitive research and ethics board reviews involving SGM adolescents are available (e.g., Mustanski, 2011; Schrager et al., 2019).

Sexual curiosity, interest in sex, and sexual exploration are a normal part of adolescent development (Fortenberry, 2013). Thus, it is unsurprising that SGM adolescents access SEM to explore their sexuality and gender identity, especially given the lack of information around same-sex/gender sexual relationships they receive from traditional sources (e.g., school, parents/guardians; Nelson et al., 2019a; Raifman et al., 2018). Continued research on the role SEM plays in SGM adolescents’ lives is needed to better understand their sexual health and development. Exploring the possible roles of porn literacy curricula and other methods of providing sex education to SGM youth is also critical (e.g., Dawson et al., 2020; Mustanski et al., 2015; Nelson & Carey, 2016).

Acknowledgements: During the preparation of this piece, Kathryn Macapagal was supported by funding from the Institute for Sexual and Gender Minority Health and Wellbeing and the Sexualities Project at Northwestern University, and Kimberly Nelson was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (K23MH109346).

Spotlight references

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