Abstract
Papal commemoration is intrinsically connected with the perpetuation of the institution of the papacy and later with papal dynasticism. Memorialising past popes simultaneously reasserted the institution’s strength and continuity and allowed papal families to share reflected glory derived from secular authority, social credit, and spiritual charisma. Since the papacy depended in part on the wealth and social leverage of its cardinals and popes and gained from their relatives’ desire to recognise contributions to papal history, there was no practical advantage to limiting papal commemoration. Communities that hosted objects, images, and sites of commemoration then became standard-bearers for families’ long-term goals of perpetuating connections to the elite Church and the papacy, preferably by building a papal dynasty.
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Notes
- 1.
In this discussion “individual commemoration” refers to events, spaces, or items that are initiated by individuals to commemorate individuals, as opposed to institutions, families, or other groups. “Spatial commemoration” refers to spaces that are created for the purpose of remembering an individual, either through decorative schemes, interment, or liturgy that might take place there. “Corporate objects” refers to items that bear identifying images, like coats of arms, that could also refer to relatives with the same surname who achieved the same office.
- 2.
On the elevation of papal kin to the College of Cardinals, see Jennifer Mara DeSilva, “Politics and Dynasty: Under-aged Cardinals in the Catholic Church, 1420–1605,” Royal Studies Journal 4.2 (2017): 81–102.
- 3.
Agostino Paravicini-Bagliani, The Pope’s Body, trans. David S. Peterson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 69–74.
- 4.
Marc Dykmans, L’ouevre de Patrizi Piccolomini ou le cérémonial papal de la première Renaissance, 2 vols. (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1980–1982), 2:443–444.
- 5.
Paravicini-Bagliani, The Pope’s Body, 71–73.
- 6.
This group includes the elevation of relatives by marriage or sexual intimacy, like Leo X, who was elevated by his sister’s father-in-law, and Paul III, who was elevated by his sister’s lover. On this broader functional definition of papal kin, see Loek Luiten, “Sexuality, agency, and honor in the connections between the Borgia and Farnese families in Renaissance Rome,” in The Borgia Family: Rumor and Representation, ed. Jennifer Mara DeSilva (London: Routledge, 2019), 34–54.
- 7.
Marco Pellegrini, Il Papato nel Rinascimento (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010); Wolfgang Reinhard, “Struttura e significato del Sacro Collegio tra la fine del XV e la fine del XVI secolo,” in Città italiano del ‘500 tra Riforma e Controriforma: atti del convegno internazionale di studi, Lucca, 13–15 ottobre 1983, ed. Marino Berengo (Lucca: Pacini Fazzi, 1988), 257–265.
- 8.
J.A.F. Thomson, Popes and Princes, 1417–1517: Politics and Polity in the Late Medieval Church (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), 64–70.
- 9.
The Piccolomini Library in Siena asserts this truth. Above the four walls that bear scenes from his uncle, Pope Pius II’s life, Cardinal Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini decorated the ceiling with an inscription documenting his own election to the papacy. Susan J. May, “The Piccolomini Library in Siena Cathedral: a new reading with particular reference to two compartments of the vault decoration,” Renaissance Studies 19.3 (2005): 281 n. 2, 292 n. 8.
- 10.
While this understanding of the family as a reciprocal community is most obvious at the elite level where networks are clearly seen in operation, when extended family members lived in close proximity to one another, or when large families lived in small communities, the same dynamic ensued.
- 11.
Jennifer Mara DeSilva, “Articulating Work and Family: Lay Papal Relatives in the Papal States, 1420–1549,” Renaissance Quarterly 69.1 (2016): 1–39.
- 12.
The portrait graced the wedding banquet of Lorenzo de’ Medici and Madeleine de la Tour d’Auvergne on 8 September 1518; Nelson H. Minnich, “Raphael’s Portrait Leo X with Cardinals Giulio de’ Medici and Luigi de’ Rossi: A Religious Interpretation,” Renaissance Quarterly 56.4 (2003): 1007–1008.
- 13.
Katherine W. Rinne, “Renovatio Aquae: Aqueducts, Fountains, and the Tiber River in Early Modern Rome,” in A Companion to Early Modern Rome, 1492–1692, eds. Pamela M. Jones, Barbara Wisch, and Simon Ditchfield (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 324–341.
- 14.
Cathleen A. Fleck, “Seeking Legitimacy: Art and Manuscripts for the Popes in Avignon from 1378 to 1417,” in A Companion to the Great Western Schism, eds. Joëlle Rollo-Koster and Thomas M. Izbicki (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 240, 244.
- 15.
Julian Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara: Curial Tomb Sculpture in Rome and Avignon in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 111, 146, 151.
- 16.
As a youth Clement entered the Benedictine Order at this abbey, and his elaborate funeral there in 1352 emphasised his family’s continued connection with the community; Anne McGee Morganstern, “Art and Ceremony in Papal Avignon: A Prescription for the Tomb of Clement VI,” Gesta 40.1 (2001): 61–77.
- 17.
Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 151.
- 18.
Carol M. Richardson, “‘Ruined, untended and derelict’: Fifteenth-century Papal Tombs in St Peter’s,” in Art and Identity in Early Modern Rome, eds. Jill Burke and Michael Bury (Burlington VT: Ashgate, 2008), 191.
- 19.
Unfortunately, many of the monuments from Late Antiquity were disposed of or destroyed, including the thirteenth-century tombs of Nicholas III and Honorius IV and the fifteenth-century tombs of Nicholas V and Calixtus III, while Martin V moved to St. John Lateran and Eugenius IV moved to San Salvatore in Lauro; Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, 62, 102–103; Wendy J. Reardon, The Deaths of the Popes (Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 2004), 155–158.
- 20.
Ruth Rubinstein noted that building this chapel highlighted a new phase in papal self-commemoration, in which a pope appropriated space previously meant for saints; Ruth Olitsky Rubinstein, “Pius II’s Piazza S. Pietro and St. Andrew’s Head,” in Essays in the History of Architecture presented to Rudolf Wittkower, eds. Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard, and Milton J. Lewine (London: Phaidon, 1969), 32.
- 21.
This was not an uncommon request for cardinal-nephews. Carol Richardson, “The Lost Will and Testament of Cardinal Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini (1439–1503),” Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (1998): 199 n. 37.
- 22.
The brothers also contributed to a chapel at the church of San Francesco in Siena, encouraging liturgical commemoration and local remembrance of their family’s achievements. Richardson, “The Lost Will and Testament,” 208 n. 72.
- 23.
Jan de Jong, “Monuments of Meditation and Propaganda. The Tombs of Popes Pius III and Pius V,” Incontri 32.2 (2017): 15–16.
- 24.
de Jong, “Monuments of Meditation and Propaganda,” 8.
- 25.
de Jong, “Monuments of Meditation and Propaganda,” 16.
- 26.
Blondin has also noted that several years earlier Sixtus built a similar tomb (1474–1477) for his nephew Pietro Riario in Santi Dodici Apostoli, Rome, depicting himself in the same position; Jill E. Blondin, “Sixtus IV as Patron (Saint): The Tomb of the Pope’s Parents in Savona,” in Proceedings of Constructions of Death, Mourning, and Memory Conference, October 27–29 2006, ed. Lilian H. Zirpolo (Woodcliff Lake, NJ: WAPACC Text and Studies, 2006), 147–149.
- 27.
In 1459 Pius II also built a mortuary monument for his deceased parents in San Francesco in Siena, effectively undoing their exile from the city; Fabrizio Nevola, Siena: Reconstructing the Renaissance City (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 82–84; R.J. Mitchell, The Laurels and the Tiara: Pope Pius II 1458–1464 (London: Harvill Press, 1962), 28.
- 28.
Abbé Couderc, Notice sur l’église de Bédoués (Toulouse: Imprimerie de Jean-Baptiste Cazaux, 1856), 6, 9.
- 29.
Yoni Ascher, “Manifest Humbleness: Self-Commemoration in the Time of the Catholic Reform,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 35.2 (2004): 330–332, 339, 355–356.
- 30.
Reformers preferred the far more modest floor slab monuments; Giovanni Matteo Giberti, Constitutiones editae (Verona: apud Antonium Puttelle, 1542), Book 5, Chapter 26, 37; Carlo Borromeo, Instructiones fabricae et suppellectilis ecclesiasticae (1577), trans. Evelyn C. Voelker, Book 1, Chapter XXVII, accessed 22 November 2019, http://evelynvoelker.com/.
- 31.
On the development of the funeral as a commemorative event in the sixteenth century, see Minou Schraven, Festive Funerals in Early Modern Italy: The Art and Culture of Conspicuous Consumption (Farnham: Ashgate, 2014).
- 32.
Nancy Rash, “Boniface VIII and Honorific Portraiture: Observations on the Half-Length Image in the Vatican,” Gesta 26.1 (1987): 47–49.
- 33.
Rash, “Boniface VIII,” 49–50, 52–53.
- 34.
Indeed, Michelangelo may have predicted this event as he joked with Julius that “the forceful gesture of the [statue’s] right hand […] is threatening this populace, Holy Father, if they are not prudent.” Ascanio Condivi, The Life of Michelangelo, trans. Alice Sedgwick Wohl, ed. Helmut Wohl, 2nd ed. (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), 38.
- 35.
Condivi, The Life of Michelangelo, 37–38.
- 36.
Condivi, The Life of Michelangelo, 39; Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Artists, trans. George Bull, 2 vols., (London: Penguin Books, 1987), 1:349; Christine Shaw, Julius II Warrior Pope (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 202–203, 205.
- 37.
David A. Lines, “Papal Power and University Control in Early Modern Italy: Bologna and Gregory XIII,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 44.3 (2013): 664–667, 678 n. 69.
- 38.
Monika Butzek, “La statua di Gregorio XIII—vicende storiche,” in Il restauro del Nettuno, la statua di Gregorio XIII e la sistemazione di Piazza Maggiore nel Cinquecento: contributi anche documentari alla conoscenza della prassi e dell’organizzazione delle arti a Bologna prima dei Carracci, eds. Andrea Emiliani, Giovanna Perini, and Giovanni Morigi (Bologna: Minerva Edizioni, 1999), 197–252.
- 39.
John M. Hunt, “The Pope’s Two Souls and the Space of Ritual Protest during Rome’s Sede Vacante, 1559–1644,” in Sacralization of Space and Behavior in the Early Modern World: Studies and Sources, ed. Jennifer Mara DeSilva (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), 183–189.
- 40.
Robert G. La France, “Exorcising the Borgia from Urbino: Timoteo Viti’s Arrivabene Chapel,” Renaissance Quarterly 68.4 (2015): 1209.
- 41.
Notably, the post-mortem backlash against Julius did not include erasing his arms or the extended inscription he erected running along the external wall of the Vatican Palace and facing the Via Sant’Anna, which reads: “IVLIVS II PONT MAX LIGVRVM VI PATRIA SAONENSIS SIXTINEPOS IIII VIAM HANC STRVXIT PONT COMMODITATI” (“JULIUS II, SUPREME PONTIFF, THE NEPHEW OF SIXTUS IV, A MAN FROM THE LIGURIAN COUNTRY OF SAVONA, CONSTRUCTED THIS BRIDGE FOR CONVENIENCE”). The continued presence of a della Rovere faction in Rome surely protected it.
- 42.
Opher Mansour, “Prince and Pontiff: Secular and Spiritual Authority in Papal State Portraiture between Raphael’s Julius II and the Portraits of Pius V and Clement VIII,” in Art and Identity in Early Modern Rome, eds. Jill Burke and Michael Bury (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 212.
- 43.
Mansour, “Prince and Pontiff,” 223–224.
- 44.
Sabrina Norlander Eliasson, “A Faceless Society? Portraiture and the Politics of Display,” Art History 30.4 (2007): 505.
- 45.
In the absence of a reliable physiognomic likeness, the armorial shield became a key identifier, alongside costume and inscription; Georgia Sommers Wright, “The Reinvention of the Portrait Likeness in the Fourteenth Century,” Gesta 39.2 (2000): 117.
- 46.
Gregory XIII inaugurated a new façade on the Porta San Giovanni (1574), Urban VIII renovated the Porta Portese (1644), and Pius IV (1565) and Alexander VII (1655) renewed the outer and inner façades of the Porta del Popolo.
- 47.
Peter Howard, Creating Magnificence in Renaissance Florence (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2012), 49–52, 88, 101–102, 112.
- 48.
Several chasubles and a cope survive from the sixteenth century bearing a Piccolomini cardinal’s arms, but only one chasuble survives from Pius’ original gift of 1460. See Fabiana Bari, Munificia magnificenza. Il Tesoro tessile della cattedrale di Pienza da Pio II Piccolomini agli inizi dell’Ottocento (Pienza: Museo diocesiano di Pienza, 2004), 54–76.
- 49.
The diocesan museum in Pienza displays a situla (secchiello, bucket for holy water), a crozier, and a thurible and incense boat donated by Pius II, most of which bear his pontifical arms; Museo diocesano di Pienza, ed. Laura Martini (Siena: Protagon Editori Toscani, 1998), 70–76.
- 50.
Boniface VIII’s undated grosso from the mint at Ponte de Sorgues (no earlier than 1300) shows his face with St. Peter’s key on one side and a cross quartering the coin on the other.
- 51.
Maria Grazia Bernardini and Marco Bussagli, eds., Il ‘400 a Roma. La rinascita delle arti da Donatello a Perugino (Milan: Skira Editore, 2008), 96, 98, 198–201.
- 52.
This coin is very similar to the denaro and grosso paparino coins issued across the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Papal States; Francesco Muntoni, Le monete dei Papi e degli Stati Pontifici, 2nd ed. (Rome: Urania Editrice, 1996), 1:23–27, Tavola 5.
- 53.
From 1504 Julius II’s decision to raise the amount of silver in a carlino to 4 grams led the new coins to be called after him. Similarly, from 1540, Paul III’s alteration of the amount of silver in a carlino from 3.65 grams to 3.85 grams led to his name being applied to the new coins; Edoardo Martinori, La moneta: vocabulario generale (Rome: Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, 1915), 183–184, 363.
- 54.
Luke Syson and Dora Thornton, Objects of Virtue: Art in Renaissance Italy (London: The British Museum Press, 2001), 200–206.
- 55.
Timothy Wilson, Maiolica: Italian Renaissance Ceramics in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2016), 29.
- 56.
Cardinal Ciocchi del Monte (1527), the future Pope Julius III, Cardinal Antonio Pucci (c.1535–1540), Cardinal Innico d’Avalos d’Aragona (c.1565), Cardinal Antonio Maria Salviati (c.1580s), and Cardinal Buonnacorso Buonnacorsi (1670s), and Henry Benedict Stuart, Cardinal of York (1765) all commissioned maiolica dinner services that are now dispersed throughout museums in Europe and North America.
- 57.
Workshop of Giovanni Maria Vasaro, “Bowl with the Arms of Pope Julius II and the Manzoli of Bologna surrounded by putti, cornucopiae, satyrs, dolphins, birds, etc. 1508,” Robert Lehman Collection, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, accessed 15 November 2019, https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/459197.
- 58.
Laurie Nussdorfer has explored the increasing appetite for ceremonial print, beginning in the early sixteenth century and exploding in the seventeenth century, while Rose Marie San Juan has shown a more general increase in the use of print as a tool for commemoration in Rome throughout the early modern period; Laurie Nussdorfer, “Print and Pageantry in Baroque Rome,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 29.2 (1998): 439–443; Rose Marie San Juan, Rome: A City out of Print (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001).
- 59.
Guerra’s plates for the 1589 print were recycled in 1644 to illustrate Innocent X’s cavalcade; Pascale Rihouet, “Giovanni Guerra’s Order of the Cavalcade (1589) and the birth of possesso prints in Sixtus V’s Rome,” in Eternal Ephemera: The Papal Possesso and its Legacies in Early Modern Rome, eds. Jennifer Mara DeSilva and Pascale Rihouet (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2020), 167.
- 60.
Rihouet, “Giovanni Guerra’s Order of the Cavalcade (1589),” 169–171.
- 61.
Chiara Stefani, “Giovanni Guerra inventor e l’Iconologia,” in Roma di Sisto V. Le arti e la cultura, ed. Maria Luisa Madonna (Rome: De Luca, 1993), 17–33.
- 62.
Baccio Bandinelli sculpted the statue of Clement VII, while Vincenzo de’ Rossi sculpted Leo X.
- 63.
Giorgio Vasari, The Election of Giovanni de’ Medici to the Papacy, and Giovanni Vasari and Giovanni Stradano, The Arrival of Leo X in Florence (1555–1562), Sala di Leone X, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.
- 64.
Giorgio Vasari, The Wedding of Catherine de’ Medici to Henry II of France and Giorgio Vasari, Clement VII crowns Charles V in San Petronio at Bologna (1555–1562), Sala di Clemente VII, Palazzo Vecchio, Florence.
- 65.
Confusingly, examples of Fasti Farnesiani (the Farnese Deeds) also appear in Farnese residences in Caprarola, where they were famously executed by Taddeo Zuccari in 1559, in Rome again by Zuccari in the 1560s, and in Naples by Giovanni Evangelisti Draghi in 1680s.
- 66.
Stefano Pronti, “I Farnese nelle imagini” and “Ilario Spolverini, il pittore virtuoso,” Il Farnese a Piacenza: il Palazzo e i Fasti, ed. Stefano Pronti (Milan: Skira Editore, 1997), 67–75 and 77–83.
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DeSilva, J.M. (2022). Papal Commemoration, 1300–1700: Institutional Memory and Dynasticism. In: Storey, G. (eds) Memorialising Premodern Monarchs. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84130-0_3
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Print ISBN: 978-3-030-84129-4
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-84130-0
eBook Packages: HistoryHistory (R0)