Abstract
This chapter discusses the images of Ireland that were disseminated by Italian irlandesisti in the first two decades of the century. It primarily focuses on political and cultural discourses and it investigates the use of stereotypical images of Ireland these intellectuals employed, as well as their interactions with the Italian and the Irish political and cultural systems. These mediators’ understudied direct links with Ireland will be explored: John Hagan, Michael O’Riordan, the rectors of the Pontifical Irish College, and James Joyce will be analyzed as transnational figures whose political thought can only be comprehended taking into consideration their position at the junction of two (or more) national cultural fields. A similar approach informs my investigation of Ernesto Buonaiuti’s work on Ireland, which was translated into English in order to further buttress nationalist discourses within the Irish Catholic community. Much attention is also devoted to Buonaiuti and Nicola Turchi’s L’isola di smeraldo (1914), the first book on Ireland of note to be published in Italy in the century. The second section of the chapter focuses on the first and revolutionary depictions of a socialist and proletarian Ireland that informed the tracts of Dino Fienga, one of the founders of the Italian Communist Party, and of Paolo Valera. The end of the chapter will be devoted to Joyce’s work as a mediator of Irish culture and literature, his journalistic activity, and his mostly failed attempts to make a dent in the Italian book market.
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Notes
- 1.
In a similar vein, Loredana Polezzi speaks of the “creation of an Italy outside Italy” (Polezzi 2009: 276) discussing the translation and transnational circulation of Italian stereotypes.
- 2.
“al vero sovrano dell’Irlanda, il papa, […] come tanti cani in chiesa; le grida, infiacchite dal viaggio lungo, sono già quasi spente quando arrivano alla porta di bronzo” (Joyce 2016: 731).
- 3.
“The modernist group […] rejected any kind of positive religion as well as any dogmatic apparatus” (Centro studi 1972: 12). Their movement, started in the late nineteenth century, was at times vigorously anti-clerical and went as far as to look for an alliance with socialist forces in order to undermine the papacy.
- 4.
“Allor che un’Università nazionale avrà dato agl’Irlandesi modo di svolgere le singolari attitudini nell’apprendere e d’applicare, ad invenzioni concrete, la non comune facoltà immaginativa. Allora che, infine, il tesoro d’energia intellettuale latente nel vigoroso capo, intuito negli occhi azzurro-violetti dallo sguardo che ricerca l’infinito, avrà meta più eccelsa che non la lotta per sé stessa e la egoistica rinunzia ad ogni tentativo” (Boni 1905b: 58).
- 5.
- 6.
The first part of the chapter (up to page 184) was the third section of the 1911 article, while the second part corresponded to the 1912 article in its entirety.
- 7.
When analyzing the circulation of Italian stereotypes through and in translation, Loredana Polezzi seems to address a very similar issue: “In the “unfaithful” truths of translation, cultures find a unique chance to maintain their dynamism, to combine change and permanence, to balance the universal and the particular. Once the intrinsically dynamic processes of translatio and translation are set in motion, we should not, however, expect them to come quickly to a definitive stop, nor to be easily controlled. In other words, we should not be tempted to describe these processes as one-directional, but should rather pay attention to their potential multi-directionality, their ability to escape the temporary position and functions they have been assigned in a particular target culture, to travel repeatedly between target and source system, and perhaps to proliferate elsewhere” (Polezzi 2009: 275).
- 8.
“Come sempre nella storia d’Irlanda, la suggestione irresistibile della terra e della razza trionfava dei selvaggi invasori” (IS: 112).
- 9.
“Per questi coefficienti singolari che contrassegnano l’anima e la storia del suo popolo, l’isola di smeraldo […] esercita un potente fascino su chiunque sia tratto, volontariamente o no, a conoscerla, visitarla, studiarla” (IS: vii).
- 10.
“L’Irlanda presenta al visitatore, una conformazione del tutto opposta a quella normale dei territori insulari. […] in Irlanda […] si ha una serie di monti posti in giro attorno ad una depressione che occupa tutto il centro dell’isola e la fa rassomigliare a un’enorme bacinella ellittica galleggiante su le acque azzurre dell’Atlantico” (IS: 2).
- 11.
“non è così uniforme per tutta la regione, che alla fine attedii lo spirito come quello degli sterminati ed insignificanti parchi londinesi” (IS: 10).
- 12.
“così povero di tutte quelle cose delle quali l’irlandese è ricco” (IS: 49).
- 13.
“Sterne , Goldsmith, Burke, Sheridan, Moore ont une nuance propre, qui vient de leur sang, ou de leur parenté proche ou lointaine, la nuance irlandaise.” (Taine 1905: 138).
- 14.
“lo sdegno di un Irlandese che vede la sua isola succhiata ed oppressa […], l’ironia spiritosa, ma amara come l’assenzio […]. Quella “ribellione al dispotismo del fatto” che è una caratteristica dell’anima celtica” (IS: 68).
- 15.
“la nuance irlandaise ou celte [...] un excès de chevalerie, de sensualité, d’expansion, bref un esprit moins bien équilibré, plus sympathique et moins pratique” (Taine 1905: 138).
- 16.
The works of Alfred Nutt were not widely known in Italy at the time, where Matthew Arnold’s take on Irish folklore and national character was more influential. A telling exception was Paolo Emilio Pavolini, who quoted him in his article on the rewriting of Deirdre’s myth by Moore, Yeats, and Synge (Pavolini 1919).
- 17.
“L’irlandese è sempre e dovunque tale: celtico di temperamento, cattolico di fede, odiatore per tradizione dell’Inghilterra usurpatrice, sognatore nostalgico della terra madre, libera e indipendente” (IS: vi).
- 18.
“Noi latini saremmo subito indotti a credere che simile profonda venerazione del Vangelo debba essere accompagnata dal più fanatico bigottismo. Niente affatto: l’irlandese non è bigotto che per rarissima eccezione. […] Un suo vecchio proverbio prevede che una fanciulla troppo pia diventerà presto un vecchio diavolo ” (Buonaiuti 1911: 459); “Il prete irlandese non approfitta della venerazione di cui è oggetto ” (Buonaiuti 1911: 460).
- 19.
“The persecutions of Catholics was not always bloody, but it was always in full motion and implacable. While [the Irish] had always given evidence of tolerance – welcoming even with benevolent hospitality the English Protestants when they were persecuted by Queen Mary – now the English Parliament launched a series of cruel Penal Laws against them.” [“La persecuzione contro i cattolici, se non fu sempre cruenta, fu sempre viva e implacabile. Mentre essi avevano dato costante prova di tolleranza, accogliendo persino con benevola ospitalità i protestanti inglesi, quando questi erano stati perseguitati dalla regina Maria, ora il Parlamento inglese inaugurava una serie di crudeli leggi penali contro di loro” (IS: 120)].
- 20.
“La chiesa cattolica da parte sua potrebbe più amorosamente considerare i servigi inestimabili resi alla sua santa causa dalla tenace fedeltà irlandese, dall’inesauribile zelo di proselitismo dei figli morali di san Patrizio. Potrebbe più adeguatamente apprezzare l’eroica storia di questo popolo che da otto secoli, si può dire, lotta per la sua fede, indissolubilmente intrecciata alla sua coscienza nazionale” (IS: 214).
- 21.
“Per questo si osserva con stupore […] che Roma stessa cattolica, alla cui causa nel mondo la razza irlandese ha dato un contributo incalcolabile, non sembra averne sempre ben capito i propositi e gli atteggiamenti, non sembra averne tenuto nella dovuta considerazione i meriti storici e i destini futuri” (IS: viii).
- 22.
“It is especially thanks to them that the Roman Church affirms itself and is strong everywhere in the world, since they happen to speak the language of the people reigning over the vastest colonial empire.” [“Specialmente per merito loro, che hanno la ventura di parlare la lingua del popolo a cui obbedisce il più vasto impero coloniale, la chiesa di Roma si afferma e vigoreggia in tutte le parti del mondo” (IS: 147)].
- 23.
“If Gasquet and Merry Del Val hoped to influence in one way or another the highest authorities in the Vatican, their chances of success had considerably diminished when Pius X died. Pietro Gasparri, his successor, was one of his greatest rivals and the new Cardinal Secretary of State’s Under Secretary was Bonaventura Cerretti who firmly believed in the rights of small nations to self-determination. Cerretti and Hagan met regularly and exchanged ideas about Ireland” (aan de Wiel 2003: 270).
- 24.
“But Howard’s mission was completely discredited when Italy and Britain eventually signed their secret treaty including the famous clause XV, which excluded the Pope from any future peace negotiations. The Holy See found out in December 1915, if not before. This could not have failed to affect Benedict XV and Gasparri and lead them to adopt a favourable attitude to the Central Powers and nationalist Ireland” (aan de Wiel 2003: 267).
- 25.
Hagan was only nominated rector a few months after O’Riordan’s death, probably due to his links with Buonaiuti and Modernism, as well as alleged interference by the British legation (see papers of John Hagan , Irish College Rome (1904–1930), July 4-November 22/28, 1921, file: HAG1/611, in particular “Private and Confidential Memorandum 4 July 1921, HAG/611, items 6 and 7).
- 26.
Edited by Giuseppe Toniolo, the Rivista was the organ of the Catholic Partito Popolare Italiano (Italian Popular Party). Since the 1890s it had hosted a series of Irish-themed contributions signed by the likes of Filippo Meda, Romolo Murri, Buonaiuti , and Toniolo himself, as well as more militant contributions by O’Riordan (1909) and Hagan (1909 and 1913). Hagan was also instrumental in changing the PPI’s policy on Ireland, having introduced Seán T. O’Kelly to Luigi Sturzo, the founder of the party (see Chini 2016: 47–48). For Sturzo’s interest in Irish culture, see Reggiani (2010: 167–173).
- 27.
The preface to Buonaiuti and Turchi’s work declared that even well-read Italians tended to regard Ireland as a “simple county of Great Britain” (“semplice contea della Gran Bretagna” (IS: vii), blaming this in particular on the fact that “since the Act of Union, that is since 1800, everything we have learnt about Ireland is just what England wanted us to learn, and how it wanted us to learn it” (“dal tempo dell’Unione, vale a dire dal 1800, noi non abbiamo saputo dell’Irlanda, può darsi, se non quello che è piaciuto all’Inghilterra di farci sapere, e nel modo in cui le piaceva di farcelo sapere” IS: viii).
- 28.
Hagan’s position was all the more interesting since the relationship between the Catholic Church and Sinn Féin was often tense for several reasons, including Griffith’s project of rural economic development threatening pastoral economy and its cultural foundation of familism, and Sinn Féin’s wavering stance against landlordism and their abstentionism (see Cairns and Richards 1988: 94).
- 29.
“L’Inghilterra era tuttora nota per la sua ignoranza e rozzezza, mentre l’Irlanda era esaltata per la sua cultura e la sua civiltà ” (Hagan 1913: 9).
- 30.
“un paese ora singolarmente immune da delitti, e sempre naturalmente meno inclinato alla delinquenza che qualsiasi parte della Gran Bretagna ” (Hagan 1913: 79).
- 31.
The main difference between Griffith and Moran was that “Griffith’s Gael, following closely the position of the Gaelic League, was primarily a linguistic and historic construct, only incidentally Catholic, Moran’s Gael was pre-eminently Catholic” (Cairns and Richards 1988: 91).
- 32.
“Le convenzionali descrizioni inglesi della irrequietezza irlandese sono sorpassate dalle descrizioni fatte in Francia nel XVII secolo, della barbarie e licenza inglese. Una guida francese del 1654 dichiarava l’Inghilterra abitata da demoni e parricidi; e pochi anni dopo un altro francese proclamava che gl’inglesi erano una feroce e crudele razza di volpi ” (Hagan 1913: 42).
- 33.
“professore di storia moderna all’Università di Londra, il Pollard, il quale non è nè cattolico nè irlandese ” (Hagan 1913: 42).
- 34.
News about the Easter Rising were so numerous, and continued to be so after the Rising was over, that Emilio Cecchi wrote to Carlo Linati on 4 May 1916 that his article on the poet Dino Campana was “delayed in Rome by all these Irish revolts, attacks and counterattacks” [“ritardato a Roma da tutte queste sommosse irlandesi, offensive e controffensive ” (Cecchi and Linati 2012: 90–91)].
- 35.
See for instance, L’infelice tentativo tedesco di sommuovere l’Irlanda, La tribuna, 27 April 1916: 1.
- 36.
“This seems a small episode in a great war, and it will remain such. Even if Ireland had a real and justified irredentist movement, this was not the time to attempt to break Great Britain’s unity” [“l’episodio appare e rimarrà un piccolo episodio di una grande guerra. Vi fosse anche in Irlanda un vero e proprio e giustificato irredentismo, non era certo questo il momento di tentare di rompere l’unità della Gran Bretagna” (Ibidem)].
- 37.
“[T]hose who wrote about the topic in some Italian Catholic periodicals put pen to paper without even trying to understand what it was about. One thought that the Sinn Féin movement was Fenian, others defined it a sect.” [“coloro che scrissero sull’argomento in alcuni periodici cattolici italiani avevano preso la penna in mano senza preoccuparsi gran che di capire di che si trattava. Uno ha confuso il movimento Sinn Fein [sic] col Fenianismo, gli altri lo definiscono una setta” (O’Riordan 1916: 6)].
- 38.
“Il pugno di ferro che sta sperimentando l’Inghilterra (sembra di rivivere il tempo delle leggi eccezionali del ‘500) non fiacca la fiera resistenza e tutto lascia sperare che questa volta Albione non la spunterà: Albione che per difendere un impero cessa di essere umana. Ad evitare equivoci poi, dico, che la soluzione proposta (cioè la federazione) è definitiva solo nei riguardi dell’Inghilterra, ma transitoria per l’Irlanda. La fine della lotta nazionale incanalerà i movimenti popolari verso la lotta di classe; alla questione nazionale subentrerà la questione sociale ” (Fienga 1921: 31).
- 39.
Among his numerous works, the collection of Milanese articles and essays Milano sconosciuta (1879), the collective novel La folla (1901), and his controversial biography of Mussolini (1926), which his subject did not appreciate, have a prominent place.
- 40.
See in particular, La donna più tragica della vita mondana (1923) and I miei dieci anni all’estero (1925). In 1909, Valera had also published a despicable homophobic pamphlet that centered on Oscar Wilde, but the booklet made only passing reference to Ireland.
- 41.
“Lloyd George fu per il sangue. Il sangue irlandese gli andava per le nari, come un ebbrezza” (Valera 1921: 6).
- 42.
I wish to thank Enrico Terrinoni for sharing his unpublished paper on Fienga and Valera, presented at the Irish and Italian Summer Seminars, Rome Global Gateway, University of Notre Dame, in June 2017.
- 43.
Benito Mussolini was also among those celebrating the fledgling republic. In his article on MacSwiney’s hunger strike, Mussolini quoted the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, but, in particular, his declaration concerning the Irish Republic strikingly jars with the principles of Fascism as would be delineated over the following years, as it promoted the principles of civil and religious liberties, as well as equal rights for all of Ireland’s citizens (Mussolini 1920).
- 44.
“Cugino della ‘fulva Fiera’ tedesca, il ‘biondo orco’ anglosassone, con appetito mostruoso volge intorno lo sguardo in cerca di ciò che potrà divorare. Oggi sembra che il mondo intero debba cadere in quelle fauci spalancate di cui una mascella s’apre di qua e l’altra di là dell’Atlantico” (Vivanti 1919a: 462).
- 45.
These include, among other things, a monument to Battisti in Bolzano, celebrating him as a hero of irredentism. The figure of Battisti is curiously intertwined with Irish politics: in the early 1930s, Mario Borsa would compare him to another prominent figure of the Easter Rising, Roger Casement.
- 46.
D’Annunzio pronounced these words in one of the most memorable speeches he made during the Fiume campaign, Italia e Vita. The speech can now be read in D’Annunzio (1974: 155).
- 47.
The writer and Sardinian politician Emilio Lussu mentioned the Italian deputies’ “general approval” [“plauso […] generale”] in his December 8 speech at the Chamber of Deputies (Lussu 2008: 26).
- 48.
In a letter dated 29 August 1922, with the Il Mondo letterhead in the top-left corner, addressed to Gavan Duffy, Buonaiuti announced that he had published an article on the death of Michael Collins and would continue to discuss Irish affairs in the future. The following issues of the paper, however, do not include significant references to Irish politics, which is unsurprising as anti-British articles were generally ostracized in the periodical since Italy’s diplomacy had changed direction (Chini 2016: 76). For Amendola’s connections with Ireland and especially the thought of Berkeley, see Mc Cormack 2010: 78–86.
- 49.
We can find traces of Vivanti’s trip to Ireland in a letter to Hagan , kept in the archive of the Irish College (Papers of John Hagan, Irish College Rome (1904–1930), letter from Seán T O’Kelly to Hagan , 26 August 1927, file: HAG 1/1927/440). I wish to thank Chiara Chini for pointing me toward it.
- 50.
In the next chapter, I will sketch the process of denationalization (and re-nationalization) that Joyce experienced in entre-deux-guerres Italy.
- 51.
In the words of Italo Svevo: “Trieste was then to him like a small Ireland, which he was able to consider with a more equanimous mind” [“Trieste allora rappresentava una piccola Irlanda ch’egli poteva considerare più serenamente della propria” (Svevo 1995: 78)]. For an informed account of Triestine anti-imperialist attitudes and publications, see McCourt 2000: 79–136.
- 52.
Here follows the list of articles in order of publication: Il Fenianismo: L’ultimo feniano. Il Piccolo della sera. 22 March 1907; Home Rule maggiorenne. Il Piccolo della sera. 19 May 1907; L’Irlanda alla sbarra. Il Piccolo della sera. 16 September 1907; Oscar Wilde: Il poeta di “Salomè”. Il Piccolo della sera. 24 March 1909; La battaglia fra Bernard Shaw e la censura: “Blanco Posnet smascherato”. Il Piccolo della sera. 5 September 1909; La cometa dell’“Home Rule”. Il Piccolo della sera. 22 December 1910; L’ombra di Parnell. Il Piccolo della sera. 16 May 1912; La città delle Tribù: Ricordi italiani in un porto irlandese. Il Piccolo della sera. 11 August 1912; Il miraggio del pescatore di Aran: La valvola dell’Inghilterra in caso di guerra.Il Piccolo della sera. 5 September 1912.
- 53.
According to John McCourt “In this Italian journalism, Joyce is rehearsing some of the themes he will later recast in his fiction, mostly in a more humorous and sometimes in a more caustic key: namely, his interest (and the Irish Revival’s interest) in the West of Ireland, in the Irish islands in general […], and the Aran Islands in particular” (McCourt 2018: 127).
- 54.
“S’intende come a noi triestini sia concesso di amarlo come un poco nostro. E anche come un poco italiano. Nella cultura di Joyce c’è qualche inclinazione decisamente italiana, forse più accentuata per il desiderio, vivo in certi periodi della sua vita, di sentirsi meno inglese” (Svevo 1995: 77).
- 55.
McCourt convincingly links this with the writing of Giacomo Joyce : “The hybrid Italian-Irish title, Giacomo Joyce , evokes a different vision of the writer from the one to which we are accustomed, suggesting a man who has undergone a process of transculturation and is now very much at home in his adopted city, who is comfortably acclimatized to life in Trieste and steeped in Italian culture, literature, and language – an Italianized Irishman pleased to stray into the shadows of many an illustrious Italian Giacomo before him, such as Leopardi, Puccini, and Casanova (as well as the nineteenth-century Irish poet Joyce translated as Giacomo Clarenzio Mangan in his lecture prepared for, but never delivered at, the Università Popolare in Trieste)” (McCourt 2008: 133). In keeping with McCourt’s point, it could be argued that Giacomo Joyce as a pseudonym had a similar function as Italo Svevo for Ettore Schmitz.
- 56.
The Irish literary scene was always on Joyce’s mind, including when he was living in Italy or Switzerland. On 1 August 1918, he wrote to Forrest Reid: “I had hoped that the Abbey Theatre or the Stage Society (London) would do it [Exiles ] but, though it is on the program of the latter, nothing definite has been arranged. As you will see by the enclosed we have given here and in Geneva and Lausanne plays (in English) by Synge , Wilde, Mr. Shaw and Sir J. Barrie. I wonder whether the fact would interest any newspaper in Belfast. If you could perhaps pass on the enclosed. It is, I believe, the first Synge performance of any of his plays in English) on the continent” (Joyce 1957: 117).
- 57.
“Joyce had been expressly warned that his audience’s interest in Ireland was driven by a desire to see Irish victimhood – its prolonged fight for independence – as a proxy for Triestine annexation. As such, they were well accustomed to and well prepared for the image of Ireland already well rehearsed by sections of Irish nationalism: that it was plagued by unfortunate setbacks, most of them involving treachery of some kind”(Fraser 2018: 162).
- 58.
- 59.
“Joyce had been interested in Wilde for a long time, and even wrote to Robert Ross asking permission to translate The Soul of Man under Socialism ” (Ellmann 1982: 274).
- 60.
Joyce proposed the translation to Treves, but the publisher’s answer from 21 April 1909, was in the negative: “they received many proposals to publish translations of ‘O.W.’ but [...] they had never accepted any of them because of the ‘difficulties in introducing this name and of recommending his works in catalogues and newspapers which had family readerships.’ It would be even more inopportune to publish the very work in which Wilde laid out ‘his real aesthetic theories’” (McCourt 2000: 133). See also Binelli (2019).
- 61.
Nonetheless, it is worth noting that only two and a half years later, in his letter dated 8 November 1916, to Harriet Shaw Weaver (Joyce 1975: 222–224), he provided a summary of his works that completely omitted his journalistic output, but did include his translations. In those eighteen months, Joyce effectively gave up on the idea of becoming a public intellectual, or even a literary critic, to the point that he invariably refused any such work when Ezra Pound proposed it. Furthermore, when her father declined a request to write a preface to Beryl De Zoete’s translation of Senilità, Lucia Joyce wrote to Livia Veneziani that “A long time ago [Joyce] made it a rule that he would not write a preface to his own or another’s book or notes of explanation or give an interview or deliver a lecture” (Joyce 1975: 356), clearly forgetting the talks delivered at the Scuola Revoltella in Trieste in 1907, the year Lucia herself was born. It must be a rule Joyce had made after he decided to give up on his career as a journalist and critic, a sign of a change of heart and career.
- 62.
Joyce’s “ambassadorial” attitude was also noticed by Nino Frank, his future co-translator of Finnegans Wake : “I noticed, however, that despite his insular loyalty and disdain for political affairs, he showed little interest in truly English writers, proposing instead that I publish an Irishman like Lord Dunsany , Australians and South Africans, as though basing his preference on what best lent itself to irredentism.” [“Je remarquais pourtant qu’en dépit de son loyalisme insulaire et de son dédain à l’égard des questions politiques, il attachait peu d’intérét aux écrivains proprement anglais et me faisait plutôt publier un Irlandais tel que Lord Dunsany , des Australiens et des Africains du Sud, comme si sa préférence allait à ce qui était susceptible d’irrédentisme” (Frank 1967: 43].
- 63.
As Vidacovich wrote to Nino Frank in 1929, it had been Joyce who introduced him to the Irish Revival (McCourt 2000: 109). Despite his well-known issues with the Abbey playwrights, Joyce was an avid reader of both Synge and Yeats.
- 64.
Joyce to Yeats, 14 September 1916 (Joyce 1975: 221).
- 65.
In the summer of 1909, Joyce wrote to both Elkin Mathews (Joyce 1957: 66–7) and Synge’s brother (Joyce 1975: 162) to inquire about the dramatic rights of Riders to the Sea . While this text was never produced by the Grand Guignol company, Sainati’s wife Bella would eventually stage Synge’s Well of Saints in Milan on 22 February 1929, at the Teatro Arcimboldi. It is arguable that it was her early encounter with Joyce that pointed her curiosity in that direction.
- 66.
“I saw some time before I left Trieste the Italian version of Countess Cathleen in a bookshop and I must say that the few passages which I read I did not like. It is, I think, a great pity that my friend Vidacovich’s version was not published. His rendering of many parts (especially of the song Impetuous heart) was excellent” (Joyce 1975: 221).
- 67.
Joyce had an ambivalent relationship with the works of Synge . During their Paris encounters of 1903, he criticized his “dwarf drama” (Ellmann 1982: 124) Riders to the Sea . However, he chose that very play both for one of his rare Italian translations and for the debut night of his English players in Zurich during the Great War.
- 68.
The main exception was the publication of Joyce and Vidacovich’s translation of Riders to the Sea in 1929, in the literary journal Solaria . This was, however, a missed opportunity as it did not seem to attract much attention within Italian literary circles, let alone any theatrical production. Moreover, while Synge was known in Italy as an Irish playwright, there is no paratextual evidence of his association with Ireland in that instance.
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Bibbò, A. (2022). Early Irlandesisti. In: Irish Literature in Italy in the Era of the World Wars. New Directions in Irish and Irish American Literature. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83586-6_2
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