Abstract
In conclusion, Chap. 9 summarises the main themes covered in the book and considers the wider implications of my analysis. I also assess the extent to which Bourdieu’s theoretical ideas have been useful in understanding the aspirations and career trajectories of my informants. On the one hand, the deterministic aspect of his earlier work does not explain how women are able to succeed given their relative lack of cultural capital from within the home. However, a wider appreciation of the scope of cultural capital to include cultural heritage within working-class Pakistani homes, and cultural capital available within schools, is useful to understand how working-class Pakistani women find the necessary resources for educational success. This tension between structure and individual capacity is explored by drawing on the findings from the interview data. The chapter finally reflects on affective aspects of the journey to achieve social mobility, drawing on a growing body of literature that reveals the emotional costs incurred by some groups of working-class people in achieving social mobility. Using my interview data, finally I show how my informants fared in this demanding and life-changing process.
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Notes
- 1.
However, Fauzia Ahmad’s (2012) work on Muslim marriages found that too much education can disadvantage women in the marriage market.
- 2.
For a discussion of how Islam can be viewed in terms of capital generated within families, see Franceschelli and O’Brien (2014). Also, for a discussion of how cultural capital can exist within homes of disadvantaged people in the US, see Yosso (2005). Using the term ‘funds of knowledge ‘, Luis Moll and colleagues explore similar issues among Mexicans in the USA, including what schools can do to give greater recognition to community-based skills and knowledge (Gonzalez et al., 2005; Moll & Greenberg, 1990). See also Pat Thomson’s (2006) examples from Australia in Miners, diggers, ferals and show-men.
- 3.
The parents of my informants did ensure that their children received a formal Islamic education. All informants attended a local mosque daily after school from the age of seven until the teenage years. There they learned the Quran and Islamic rituals in a disciplined environment. In the process, they were expected to defer to and obey their teachers. This probably reinforced some of the personal qualities, mentioned earlier, that served them well in higher education and pursuit of a career. At the mosque school they also developed a positive and respectful attitude to (religious ) literacy and knowledge generally.
- 4.
There are questions about just how modern this is. After all, Augustine’s Confessions written in 397–400 CE is precisely about this question.
- 5.
See Shain (2020) for a discussion of the impact of austerity and discrimination on the aspirations of British Pakistani schoolgirls and young women forming Generation 9/11.
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Saeed, A. (2022). Conclusion. In: Education, Aspiration and Upward Social Mobility. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82261-3_9
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