Abstract
This chapter builds on the previous chapter to look more broadly at the role of schools in facilitating access to cultural capital. Schools sometimes fulfilled an important function for my informants in engendering and supporting alternative aspirations, and providing opportunities to acquire cultural capital. However, while all my informants attended state schools and colleges, in more or less the same area, there was considerable variation in how these institutions shaped aspirations and in what resources they could supply. This was not as simple as variation in what is often referred to as ‘the school effect’. Differences between individual schools reflected variations in the social class composition of the student body in each school, and how this affected teachers’ expectations and the school ethos. This chapter analyses how educational structures and cultures contributed to nurturing aspirations, raising expectations, and facilitating the meeting of goals (such as achieving educational qualifications), while at other times putting up barriers. Relationships with teachers and the women’s own responses to opportunities and obstacles presented by schools are discussed.
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Notes
- 1.
Before GCSEs were instituted as a common examination at age 16, GCE O-Levels were used for higher levels of achievement (a minority of pupils) and CSEs (Certificate of Secondary Education) for lower levels (the majority). The top grade for CSE counted as an O-level pass.
- 2.
Brah and Minhas (1985) argued that Asian girls were stereotyped in mainstream contexts as passive, shy, docile and timid. Also, Bhachu (1996) argues that it was common for White feminists to view Asian girls and women as oppressed by patriarchy, purdah and constraining and static home-cultural values.
- 3.
Urdu is spoken in Pakistan and India and within Pakistani diasporic communities. It is very similar in spoken form to Hindi.
- 4.
Shaheena regards different home languages as significant markers of identity.
- 5.
There has been a recent change which forbids relatives to translate for those who cannot speak English in medical contexts. An official interpreter is required, if one is needed.
- 6.
Work by Saeed (2016) draws attention to elitist judgements held by overseas Pakistanis towards working-class British Pakistanis. In this context, speaking Urdu can bring cultural capital rewards for the latter.
- 7.
Brah and Minhas (1985) reported that careers guidance teachers would frequently dismiss the aspirations of Asian girls as ‘too high’.
- 8.
There are also parallels with Jackson and Marsden’s early study (1986) of working-class grammar school boys. Some boys would retain links with their neighbourhoods through youth organisations, which the schools would not always favour. Despite this, they reported that the ‘easiest relations were only with those in a like position’ at school (Jackson & Marsden, 1986, p. 127).
- 9.
Slootman (2019) explores how socially mobile young people from ethnic minority backgrounds who are integrated in mainstream cultures are still drawn to people from their own ethnic minority group. At university they are able to provide ‘soulmate’ spaces for each other. These relationships are supportive because they share similar attitudes and outlooks.
- 10.
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Saeed, A. (2022). School and College Influences on the Formation of Careers. In: Education, Aspiration and Upward Social Mobility. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82261-3_7
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