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Saving Magnesia Through Correct Opinion

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Overcoming Uncertainty in Ancient Greek Political Philosophy
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Abstract

The goal of the city of Plato’s Laws is the production of virtue in all its citizens. The production of virtue requires technical skill because the rulers must know the changeable conditions of people’s souls (Laws 1, 650B). Because rulers must work with changeable natures, theirs is a skill and not a pure science. According to the standards set forth in the Philebus, their skill needs to be supplemented by knowledge. Failing that, they may treat the political art as purely artificial and detached from natural standards of justice (10, 889D–E). However, it is difficult for one person to have both the requisite knowledge and the ability to put it into practical effect (9, 875A). Therefore, the Athenian proposes the creation of a Nocturnal Council (or better, Caucus), to both study the natural basis of virtue and to supervise its development and maintenance in the citizens of Magnesia. A body of officials and young proteges is needed so the Caucus will have both the knowledge and technical skill it needs to secure virtue in the city. Although the Nocturnal Caucus does not have supreme power, it exercises the greatest power in the city, creating a functioning oligarchy, despite Plato’s efforts to cast Magnesia as a mixed regime.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Saunders (1970, pp. 27–8); Stalley (1983, p. 22); Kahn (1995, pp. 53–4, 2013, p. 237); Hitz (2009, p. 380); Laks (2000, p. 269); Lisi (2006, p. 242); Woozley (2010, p. 374); Annas (2017, p. 62); Brisson (2012, p. 305).

  2. 2.

    Cf. Cohen (1995, pp. 43–4); Klosko (2006, p. 246); Brunt (1993, p. 248); Shiell (1991, pp. 386, 390).

  3. 3.

    Annas (2017, p. 59) sees the mix as primarily one between the systems of Athens and Sparta. For Stalley (1983, p. 77), it is a mix of freedom and despotism. Cohen (1993, p. 308) argues it is a mix of democratic freedom and monarchic social control. Klosko (2006, p. 241) finds a two-fold mix between democracy and monarchy: (1) in freedom combined with powerful magistrates and (2) in selection by lot and by election.

  4. 4.

    Bobonich (2002, p. 89); cf. Neschke-Hentschke (1996, p. 64); Pradeau (2002, p. 138).

  5. 5.

    Kraut (2010, pp. 56, 64) and Hitz (2009, p. 378).

  6. 6.

    Morrow (1960a, pp. 507–10, 1960b, p. 236, 1953–1954, pp. 17–18); Bobonich (2002, pp. 392–5).

  7. 7.

    Cf. Morrow (1960a, pp. 12–13, 591).

  8. 8.

    Cf. Laks (1990a, pp. 226–7).

  9. 9.

    On the differences in method between the Statesman and Laws, see Schofield (1997, pp. 221–2).

  10. 10.

    On weaving as a paradigm for the Statesman’s role, see Weiss (1995, p. 219).

    On the development of common opinion, see Bobonich (1995, p. 314).

  11. 11.

    Schofield (1997, p. 314) argues that the Athenian’s invocation of an “orderly tyrant” is ironic and designed to call into question the union of philosophy and power as proposed in the Republic (p. 240). He cites the disappearance of the tyrant as evidence for his interpretation (p. 237). However, the dictator is invoked specifically to assist in the initial imposition of the constitution (4, 710B), including the “purge.” He is not needed afterward.

    In the Ancient Greek tradition, there is nothing unusual about lawgivers having dictatorial powers. What is unusual is that the Athenian calls for a lawgiver accompanied by a second person with dictatorial powers.

  12. 12.

    For example, Annas (2017, p. 74).

  13. 13.

    Stalley (1983, p. 124) notes the need to train pleasures and pains prior to the development of reason but does not note it as training in natural virtue.

  14. 14.

    Bobonich, Utopia, 12.

  15. 15.

    By “rational opinion,” I mean opinions that are rational in Plato’s sense because they recognize proper goods. It is not necessary for present purposes to enter into the debate about the rationality of the preludes according to general standards of reason.

    For a defense of their rationality, see Bobonich (2002, pp. 109–18).

  16. 16.

    See Klosko (1988, p. 84, 2006, p. 258, 2008, p. 471).

    Brisson (2012, p. 305) thinks the Nocturnal Caucus is equivalent to the Guardians in the Republic. It has “supreme authority” (p. 302).

  17. 17.

    Morrow (1953–1954, p. 18, 1960a, pp. 507–10, 1960b, pp. 236, 240); cf. Monoson (2000, p. 231); Lewis (1998, pp. 14–15, 18).

  18. 18.

    On the denial of the Laws as a blueprint, see Stalley (1983, p. 95) and Saunders (1995, p. 603).

  19. 19.

    Morrow recognizes the importance of recruitment (1960a, pp. 510–11); cf. Bobonich (2002, p. 393); Lisi (2013, p. 86).

  20. 20.

    For the composition of court of select judges, see Morrow (1960a, pp. 261–3).

  21. 21.

    See Brisson (2006, pp. 90–4).

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Hubler, J.N. (2021). Saving Magnesia Through Correct Opinion. In: Overcoming Uncertainty in Ancient Greek Political Philosophy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82091-6_3

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