Abstract
The theory of International Relations (IR) is essentially a transdisciplinary domain of knowledge whose main object of study is the world system (Wallerstein 2006), which includes the international system (IS).
There is a major difference between the present situation and the time of the first European concerts: in the nineteenth century five predominant states excluded ten others; today seven of them exclude 185 others while the G20 excludes 173 of them. Yet the major lesson to be drawn from globalization is total inclusion, which itself has two meanings: all peoples of the world are partners in the international system, and global governance can only function if it leaves no one standing at the door…exclusion is dually blameworthy because, objectively, it diminishes any chance of regulation, and subjectively, it sows frustration, humiliation, resentment and hence violence.
Badie (2012: 33)
A country with America’s idealistic tradition cannot base its policy on the balance of power as the sole criterion for a new world order. But it must learn that equilibrium is a fundamental precondition for the pursuit of its historical goals.
Kissinger (1994: 833)
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Notes
- 1.
According to philosophy, ontology is the theory of being and epistemology the theory of knowledge. Philosophical realism – as in Aristotle’s and Saint Thomas’s scholastic philosophy – must be differentiated from philosophical idealism – like the doctrine of Plato in ancient times or the Kantian and Hegelian rationalism of modern times – because they have epistemological implications, rationalism being the predominant theoretical framework of modern science. Nevertheless, in spite of the new paradigm which emerged from quantum physics at the beginning of last century, natural sciences tend to be realist in epistemology, thanks to the old realist dictum that considers truth to be adaequatio rei et intellectus (the adequation of things and intellect), as happens when – for instance – astronomers study the solar system and corroborate that Earth is a planet orbiting around the sun in 365 days. Therefore, according to astrophysics, it is quite evident that the international system (IS) can be considered – in accordance also with the realist epistemological and ontological explanation – part of the terrestrial ecosystems which in the last resort are dependent on Gaia (Planet Earth), and this fact explains why environmental sciences have actually become an important component of IR theory.
- 2.
This subject has been considered in the books of Cortina (2010) and de Sousa Santos (2014). The democratization of the international system requires a better and more vigorous multilateralism based, among other proposals, on a new type of tripartite representation like the presence of International NGOs at the UN General Assembly to establish a World Parliament or a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly.
- 3.
The current debate – especially in the European Union – on the role of national sovereignty when supranational institutions such as the European Commission are established is quite important. It is also worth noting that in countries like Guatemala, at the request of its government, the UN established a Commission in order to support national efforts to investigate networks of organized crime. The International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) has had extraordinary success fighting corruption and strengthening Guatemalan national institutions of justice, such as the Public Ministry (Attorney General). Unfortunately, the good performance of the CICIG led the conservative (and corrupt) sectors of the Guatemalan political establishment to terminate the agreement with the UN in September 2019. For a theoretical debate on this subject see Gutiérrez (2016) and Villagran (2016).
- 4.
According to Kissinger, as the present international system is based on the Treaty of Westphalia, and only the European states of that era participated in its establishment, the states that were formed around ancient civilizations (China, India, Iran, Japan, Islamic and pre-Columbian American civilizations) do not fully identify with the current status quo and in some cases question its legitimacy.
- 5.
I use the term ‘paradigm’ according with the definition given by Kuhn (1962), i.e. as a concept which identifies the joint set of ideas, beliefs, theories of a science or – in the field of their practical application – experiments and the methodology for solving knowledge problems which are shared by a community of scientists or decision-makers, as usually happens in IR Theory with regard to foreign policy.
- 6.
The use of the term ‘idealism’ is explained when one considers, for example, the ideals that guided the policies of former US Presidents Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt, which facilitated the establishment of the League of Nations as a result of the Versailles negotiations at the end of the First World War and subsequently of the United Nations in 1945 at the end of the Second World War. However, it should be borne in mind that in the United States the policies of the Democratic Party (to which both Presidents belonged) are labelled ‘liberal’, which is why there are some authors who use the term ‘liberal’ instead of the term ‘idealist’ to refer to this paradigm. For my part, I prefer the concept of ‘idealist’ because, among other reasons, the paradigm is closely related to international law insofar as it is a normative conception of international society which supposes an ideal (deontological) view of how international relations ‘should be’, rather than how they are (ontological), which is one of the main postulates of the realist paradigm. On the aforementioned, see Padilla (2009).
- 7.
In general terms, ideology can be regarded as the set of ideas that people have about the society in which they live. Its purposes are to produce not knowledge (this is the main purpose of science) but images of reality and to mobilize people around objectives of a political, cultural, economic, religious, or any other nature. For example, in the field of political ideologies we can differentiate between those who seek to preserve the political system (conservative ideologies), those who seek to transform it (through reformist or revolutionary paths), and those who seek to restore the status quo when changes have already occurred but certain conservative sectors are opposed to those changes (reactionary ideologies). This fact explains why political ideologies are generally provided with a system of representations (systems of ideas) and programmes of action which support the conduct of leaders and constitute the guidelines of political parties. Science, on the other hand, is the set of knowledge obtained by observing regular patterns, reasoning and experimentation that is divided into certain academic disciplines (physics, chemistry, biology, social sciences, law, political science, international relations), and it proceeds methodically, generating questions, constructing hypotheses, and elaborating principles and general laws that give a systematic structure to knowledge. In addition, science uses different methods and techniques for the acquisition and organization of knowledge, which causes it to increase and enrich, and under certain circumstances, science even allows for predictions about future situations and scenarios (prospective science), all of which is impossible for ideology. Nevertheless, social scientists must be aware that in some particular cases and circumstances even science and technology can be used as ideology, as explained by Habermas (1986).
- 8.
From a different perspective, Harari (2018) argues that human freedom has always been a myth because people are under the permanent influence of unconscious algorithms that determine behaviour, so decision-making has never been a free individual choice.
- 9.
Russia was already under the rule of Lenin and the Communist Party after the 1917 October revolution. Moscow decided to withdraw from the war with the signing of Brest-Litovsk treaty with Berlin.
- 10.
The Contadora Group was formed when representatives of Panama, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela met on the island of Contadora (Panama) to seek a peaceful solution to the Central American regional conflict.
- 11.
However, the Guatemalan Chancellor Fernando Andrade acted with a realistic perspective when he approached the Contadora Group and proposed Guatemala’s neutrality in exchange for the displacement of refugee camps located in the border state of Chiapas. In this regard, see Peace Making and Conflict Transformation in Guatemala (Alker et al. 2001).
- 12.
Negotiations under United Nations mediation constitute another novel aspect of what happened in Central America during that decade, as it should not be forgotten that Washington always preferred to hold this type of negotiation under the auspices of the OAS (Padilla 2013).
- 13.
In the Korean War (1950–1953) and in the Gulf War of 1991, when Iraq attacked Kuwait.
- 14.
According to Foucault (2014: 413), the concept of ‘raison d’état’ essentially refers to a technique of diplomatic and military power that consists of the consolidation and development of power through a system of alliances and the organization of armed forces in the quest for equilibrium.
- 15.
Kissinger recalls the fact that, unlike other major international agreements such as the Congress of Vienna (1814–1815) and the Treaty of Versailles (1919), the Westphalian Peace is not the result of a single conference. As a reflection of the great diversity of delegates – from Spanish to Swedish to Dutch and including the French, Austrian and several German kingdoms – peace emerged from a series of separate agreements between negotiators meeting in two cities. The 178 participants of the different states belonging to the Holy Roman Empire (Habsburg Austria) met in the Catholic city of Münster, while the Protestant powers, along with the French Catholics, met in Osnabrück, about 50 kilometres away. There were about 255 delegates involved in the negotiations. They had to stay in the houses of the local population and move from one place to another because there were no special rooms where they could all meet, nor was there any official authority for the conference. Monarchs received the title of ‘majesty’, and it was also then that the custom of calling ambassadors ‘excellency’ began. When a hall was set up for meetings, it was necessary to ensure that there were simultaneous entry doors for all the delegates so that no one could take precedence or be obliged to cede it (Kissinger 2014: 23–31).
- 16.
It should be borne in mind, however, that the concept of ‘anarchy’ is used in international relations theory with the simple meaning of ‘no hierarchy’, that is, that sovereign states that are part of the international system are not subject to any hierarchical order that allows any of them, however powerful, to legally impose their orders on others or exert hegemony.
- 17.
“The bombing is counterproductive. The more they hit these ‘entrepreneurs of violence’ – like the Islamic State – the more they are strengthened. Terrorism is born of the bombings and Western failures” (Badie 2008: 84).
- 18.
For Huntington (1996) Russia and China are different civilizations.
- 19.
At a conference in Lyon, Badie (2008) remarked that at the Battle of Jena (1806) for the first time an army of conscripts composed mainly of soldiers of French nationality defeated the Prussian army of aristocrats and multinational conscripts. That defeat was seen in the Germanic society of those times as the first occasion that ‘Germany’ suffered a national defeat. This phenomenon implies the irruption of national societies in history, and is the origin of nationalism. In a lecture about French-German relations at the Geneva Institute of Higher Education (2015) Joschka Fisher made similar remarks in the sense that German nationalism consciousness began to be forged at the beginning of the nineteenth century thanks to Napoleon. It should not be forgotten that Beethoven’s Eroica symphony was composed in honour of Napoleon before the Jena defeat. Afterwards the great musician said he had composed it “in memory of a great man”. Nevertheless, it is quite clear why European ‘liberals’ of all nationalities were in sympathy with the French revolution.
- 20.
It is interesting to note that, conversely, Germany was excluded from the Versailles peace negotiations of 1919, with the result that the period of ‘absence of war’ (between the two World Wars of the twentieth century) lasted only twenty years: from 1919 until 1939. During the Vienna negotiations of 1815, the rules of balance of power theory were met and the ‘concert of Europe’ equilibrium was established successfully, while during the Versailles negotiations of 1919 these rules were ignored and no equilibrium was reached, then the Second World War followed in just twenty years. Of course, the explanation of the hundred years of European equilibrium (1815–1914) is the result of a complex process, because, as every system is composed of both structure and process, any balance of power is essentially dynamic, which means that in order to maintain the balance it is necessary to keep in mind that realism postulates that each State will permanently try to increase its power and capabilities. Negotiation should be preferred to war, but if violence becomes inevitable, to preserve the system it is absolutely essential to stop the fighting when one of the actors is about to be defeated. According to power politics, any zero sum game is not convenient for the health of the system because the pursuit of hegemony is always absolutely rejected by the rest of the players. Hence, in the event of the defeat of one of the system’s essential players, the loser must be allowed to recover an acceptable role through negotiations.
- 21.
As a historical curiosity it is interesting to note that, owing to financial collapse, Hitler’s refusal to pay, World War II, and newly negotiated deals over deadlines and amounts, it took Germany ninety-two years to pay off its war reparations. It was eventually agreed that the back interest would not be payable until Reunification (3 October 1990). The final interest repayment was made on the twentieth anniversary of the Reunification in 2010.
- 22.
Wilson’s 14 points referred first to the need to avoid diplomacy and secret treaties between powers and to ensure that all negotiations were public and culminated in open agreements. It also demanded the absolute freedom of navigation in peace and war outside jurisdictional waters, except when the seas were closed by some international agreement; the disappearance, as far as possible, of the economic barriers to free trade; the establishment of adequate safeguards for the reduction of national armaments (disarmament); the ‘readjustment of colonial claims’, so that the interests of peoples receive equal consideration with the legitimate aspirations – if any – of the colonizing governments; the evacuation of Russian territory, Russia being given “full opportunity for its own development with the help of the powers” (this point has to do with Western intervention in the Russian civil war after the Bolshevik revolution of 1917); the full restoration of Belgium’s complete and free sovereignty; the liberation of the entire French territory and reparation for the damages caused by Prussia in 1871 (mainly concerned with the return of Alsace-Lorraine to French sovereignty); the readjustment of Italian borders in accordance with the principle of nationality (because a large part of the northern territories – the Tyrol and others – were under Austrian sovereignty); the provision of “an opportunity for an autonomous development of the peoples of the Austro-Hungarian Empire” (with the disappearance of the Habsburg Empire, Czechoslovakia and Hungary emerged as independent states; the collapse of the Habsburg Empire is related to the evacuation of troops from Romania, Serbia and Montenegro as well as the issue of granting access to the Adriatic sea to Serbia); the “settlement of relations between the Balkan States in accordance with their sentiments and the principle of nationality”, which led to the creation of Yugoslavia; the security of autonomous development for the non-Turkish nationalities (such as the Bulgarians) of the former Ottoman Empire (which also disappeared) and the pass through the Straits of Dardanelles; the declaration of Poland as an independent state with access to the Baltic Sea; and, finally, the question of the League of Nations, which, as the 14 points pointed out, consisted of the creation of a “general association of nations” that was to be set up by “specific pacts” with the aim of “mutually guaranteeing political independence and territorial integrity for both large and small States”.
- 23.
The whole debate of philosophical realism/idealism lies in the question of the importance of the material world – ontology, or the theory of being – because the ‘ontological realism’ of Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas and both English empiricism and Marxist materialism are the opposite of the platonic ‘world of ideas’ and the importance of reason as a precondition of knowledge. So the idealism of philosophers like Plato, Descartes and Hegel, and even Kantian rationalism, Husserl’s phenomenology and Heidegger’s postmodern view, have a role to play in the formation of human knowledge. Contemporary approaches are much more complex insofar as the theory of systems and physics has introduced their views into the epistemological debate of philosophy. My own position is that it is possible to accept the existence of both material reality (in spite of the fact that the material nature of subatomic particles is challenged by quantum physics) and spiritual reality (as postulated by Buddhist philosophy), and that both are equally important and valid in epistemology.
- 24.
It should be borne in mind that “incorrect application” does not mean that diplomatic agents, or those who are responsible for making foreign policy decisions, are fully aware of the paradigmatic elements that can be found in their actions: these are implicit and it is very rare that they are made explicit in analytical documents produced by the government agencies themselves. Usually these analyses are made ex post by professors in the academic community and not by government officials.
- 25.
To obtain an idea of the normal work of UNSC, I recommend the article of the former Guatemalan ambassador Rosenthal (2016) on the participation of Guatemala in the UN Security Council in 2012 and 2013. Concerning the complexity of the issue of collective security and the procedures of the Security Council, Article 39 states that before taking coercive measures the Security Council must verify whether there are threats to peace, a breach of the peace, or an act of aggression between States. Article 40 refers to the provisional measures that can be taken in order to prevent a situation from worsening, and provides for measures including the withdrawal of armed forces, the cessation of hostilities, concerted action or compliance with the ceasefire, and the creation of conditions for the provision of humanitarian assistance. With regard to measures that do not involve the use of armed force (Article 41), there are sanctions ranging from general economic and commercial sanctions to more selective measures, such as arms embargoes, travel bans, and both financial and diplomatic sanctions. Those measures could also include the establishment of international tribunals (such as those established for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in 1993 and 1994) or funds for the payment of compensation for the damage caused by war. Article 42 empowers the Council to use “other measures to maintain or restore international peace and security” if it considers that measures that are not of a military nature may be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate. In view of the fact that the United Nations has no armed forces at its disposal, the Council uses Article 42 to authorize the use of force through peacekeeping operations, multinational forces or interventions by regional organizations. Member states are obliged to accept Council decisions because they are binding. Another important article of the Charter is Article 51, which establishes the right to individual or collective self-defence not only as an exception to the prohibition of the use of force (Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter) but also so that, in the case of an armed attack, member states can defend individually or collectively by communicating immediately to the Council. Measures will then be taken as prescribed by the United Nations Charter.
- 26.
Peacekeeping operations are of a very different nature with respect to coercive measures and peace enforcement, since their usual aim is to separate contending parties and maintain ceasefire situations, as in Lebanon/Israel, Syria/Israel, India/Pakistan, and Cyprus, or in internal armed conflicts of the type that have been suffered by countries such as the former Yugoslavia as well as several African countries (Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and Haiti. Therefore its implementation is less controversial and much more likely to be approved by the Council.
- 27.
The Soviet delegate was absent from the session of the UNSC at which the decision was taken to reject the North Korean aggression in protest at the Council’s decision to maintain in the seat of China the representative of the nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek (in exile on the island of Taiwan and protected by the US) instead of giving it to the new delegate appointed by the Communist government installed in Beijing after the triumph of the Maoist revolution the previous year (1949).
- 28.
Nuclear armament is different from conventional weaponry not so much because of the shockwave or fire of the explosion as because of the very nature of nuclear energy (radioactivity), which prevents precise military objectives being set. Some nuclear explosions on scattered targets in a certain territory trigger uncontainable radioactivity that would affect human life on a larger geographic scale than would suffice, which makes it difficult, if not impossible, to aim nuclear weapons at precise targets (e.g. silos that hide missiles). This makes any hypothetical nuclear war incompatible with limited political objectives. Therefore, a nuclear attack can only be a zero sum game, a total war. That is why it has been said that a nuclear war would be an ‘all for all’ scenario, making men subordinate to nuclear weapons, a situation aggravated by the fact that any human failure would be absolutely irreparable, which holds true regardless of any possible security mechanisms. The uncertainties and difficulties involved in using nuclear weapons, as well as the extent and duration of the damage that their use would cause, explain why it would be madness to use them, since doing so would trigger mutual assured destruction (MAD) with no winners (Rousset 1987).
- 29.
Trump created a very dangerous situation at world level with his decision to abandon the INF.
- 30.
The Conference on Disarmament (CD) is a negotiation forum on multilateral disarmament founded in 1979 as a result of the first Special Disarmament Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, which took place in 1978 (it started life as the Committee on Disarmament, but was renamed in 1982). The CD, as a forum for the negotiation of multilateral agreements on arms control and disarmament, depends on a representative appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. It operates by consensus, and has successfully negotiated the Biological Weapons Convention, the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The headquarters of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban-Treaty Organization (CBTBO) are located in Vienna, and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is based in The Hague. The CD is currently also negotiating the signing of a treaty to ban fissile materials and nuclear weapons in space in order to achieve its objective of complete nuclear disarmament.
- 31.
ICAN proposes the abolition of nuclear weapons through the signing of a treaty similar to the one implemented for the prohibition of military antipersonnel mines a few years ago. It has held several international meetings (in Norway, Mexico, and Austria) with growing strength and drive. ICAN won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017 and the new Treaty has already been signed by a number of states.
- 32.
United States, Russia, France, United Kingdom, China, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea.
- 33.
In his lecture in Lyon (France) Bertrand Badie compared the international system to football divisions: some states are part of the major leagues while others are in the inferior ones. Obviously, the great powers belong to the major leagues, but the minor ones are not in any condition to access that category unless they increase their military spending, which is problematic for global security and erroneous from a sustainable development perspective. Saudi Arabia and Iran are (bad) examples of middle powers that have spent large amounts of money on conventional armaments in order to maintain a ‘regional balance of power’, but the Middle Eastern context, where other powers like Israel, Turkey, Syria and Egypt are also important actors, is fortunately a very particular geopolitical scenario that applies only to that region of the world.
- 34.
As is well known, complex interdependence is characterized by the study of the multiple channels of exchange, relationships and action that exist between societies in interstate, trans-governmental, and transnational relations, the absence of a hierarchy of issues with changing agendas, and a decline in the use of military force and coercive power in international relations. Nye/Keohane (1988) argue that the decline of military force as a policy tool and the increase in economic and other forms of interdependence should also enhance cooperation between states. Therefore they criticize realism for ignoring the social nature of relations between states and the social fabric of international society, which makes interdependence a sociological perspective in international relations theory. Regarding these issues see also Padilla (2009) and Wendt (2005).
- 35.
This cosmopolitan citizenship could be seen as part of the idealist utopia. However, research in the field of psychology explains how the individual ontogenetic evolution of human beings transits from stages of pre-conventional mentality (egoistic) to conventional (ethnocentric or socio-centric) and finally reaches a post-conventional geocentric or worldcentric cosmopolitan stage of mindsets and mentalities. As Kohlberg (1983, 1984) and other researchers have demonstrated, these individual stages of evolution are tantamount to phylogenetic processes in society that run along similar paths of cultural evolution, leading to the formation of a significant segment of society with a cosmopolitan world-view and mentality, which proves the existence of the phenomenon at the collective level. The pioneer in these investigations is Piaget (1932), but in addition to Lawrence Kohlberg other exponents include Gilligan (1977), Gebser (1991) and Wilber (1991). Concerning cosmopolitanism as a political philosophy, there are a number of authors, such as Held (1995, 2005, 2006, 2010), Archibugi (2011), Mignolo (2011), Smith (2017), Delanty (2012, 2017), and Beck (2009), among others, who have carried out investigations and published important contributions in this field.
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Internet Links
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Padilla, LA. (2021). International Relations Theory and the Great Paradigms. In: Sustainable Development in the Anthropocene. The Anthropocene: Politik—Economics—Society—Science, vol 29. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80399-5_1
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