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Woke Farm and Food Policies in the Post-truth Era: Calamitous Consequences for People and the Planet

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Modern Agricultural and Resource Economics and Policy

Part of the book series: Natural Resource Management and Policy ((NRMP,volume 55))

Abstract

The woke food movement, epitomized by the EAT-Lancet Commission, is a relatively recent phenomenon—more prevalent in high-income countries where food is comparatively abundant, and, within those countries, more associated with rich liberal elite groups than others. Perhaps this movement is doing some good, by generating interest and discussion about issues that matter. But it is easy to find instances where they have done harm and to see possibilities for more harm to come. This happens because the movement is essentially intolerant, insisting on imposing its views on others even if those views turn out to be ill-informed (or simply silly), and even if a majority may disagree with them. We have already seen calamitous consequences from misguided policies initiated by such interests—witness the global opposition to genetically engineered food, and particular examples such as Golden Rice, with their consequences for the poor—as well as a multitude of mostly more minor instances of food policy non-sense that collectively may loom large in terms of their overall social cost. Of current concern is the possibility that these forces are becoming more influential as we are all coming to depend more on social media and non-traditional sources for information about issues that are sometimes complex. When farm and food policies are made by plebiscite, and voters are ill-informed, policy non-sense seems more likely. Some further harm can be done, even without the involvement of government, given the role of market intermediaries as gatekeepers in the food chain, imposing private policies as de facto technological regulations at the behest of activist groups. Misguided foreclosing of technological possibilities has concerning implications for the supply side of the world food equation and the global incidence of poverty and malnutrition, and for the environmental burden of agricultural production, in ways that the woke food movement does not appear to understand or anticipate.

In June 2017, the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) announced it had added woke and post-truth as new words (public.oed.com/blog/june-2017-update-new-words-notes/).

“The original meaning of adjectival woke (and earlier woke up) was simply ‘awake,’ but by the mid-twentieth century, woke had been extended figuratively to refer to being ‘aware’ or ‘well informed’ in a political or cultural sense.” I use it here in this broader sense rather than the more recently popularized ways related to racism and sexual misconduct.

Post-truth was Oxford’s 2016 word of the year. It is defined as “relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping political debate or public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.” (Perhaps “post-trust” would be better, but this has not yet made it into the OED.)

The same update also included a new last word: Zyzzyva, the name of a genus of tropical weevils native to South America and typically found on or near palm trees, supplanting zythum, a kind of malt beer brewed in ancient Egypt.

Julian Alston is a distinguished professor in the Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Director of the Robert Mondavi Institute Center for Wine Economics, both at the University of California, Davis in Davis, California. He is also a member of the Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See, also the related report from The Lancet Commission by Swinburn et al. (2019) on “The Global Syndemic of Obesity, Undernutrition, and Climate Change.”

  2. 2.

    To be sure, these items represent just a sampling of the most recent contributions to a very busy scholarly and public policy literature across these topics, some of which will be drawn out in the pages that follow.

  3. 3.

    The EAT-Lancet Commission is itself only an example, a manifestation of the woke food movement, not the focus of this chapter. Some other prominent individuals and groups advocate policies with more concerning economic implications—for example, proponents of “agroecology” seek to radically transform agricultural systems.

  4. 4.

    To these we can add a few more that might fit on the woke agenda, such as air and water pollution (beyond greenhouse gases); food-related health and nutrition (beyond obesity); animal welfare; conservation of scarce natural resources, including endangered species; rural landscape amenities; farm worker safety and health; rural poverty; food security of the poor; globalization. Rausser et al. (2019) consider a broader range like this, which goes beyond traditional agricultural policy topics.

  5. 5.

    As Arrow (1958, p. 91) explains: “The analytic problem is to solve for the targets and other variables the terms of the instruments; the policy problem is to fix the targets and solve for the instruments, eliminating the other variables in the process. If a linear model is assumed, it is immediately clear that the number of instruments must—except for special cases—be at least as great as the number of targets.”

  6. 6.

    Leading luminaries and self-styled authorities on the issues in this context include journalists and food writers who are active in the popular press (such as Michael Pollan and Mark Bittman), television personalities (such as Bill Maher and Dr. Oz) nutritionists and public health policy types (such as Marion Nestle, Barry Popkin, Walter Willett, and Kelly Brownell), as well as professional muckrakers (like Raj Patel and the now born-again, now repentant Mark Lynas – e.g., Patel 2012, Lynas 2018) and snake-oil merchants. Rausser et al. (2015) cite many of these and more. I hesitate to identify anyone specifically as a deliberate fraud or a charlatan, but at least some people active in this context have skin in the game and take policy positions that are otherwise hard to explain.

  7. 7.

    Many of these attributes of products or processes used to produce them may be credence attributes, some of which might be confirmed after purchase and consumption as in the case of experience goods, but the woke agenda also includes attributes that are readily apparent to an interested consumer—such as beverages containing sugar, or non-ruminant meat.

  8. 8.

    FAO (Gerber et al., 2013) estimated that global livestock production emitted 7.1 Gigatonnes of CO2 equivalent per year, representing some 14.5% of all anthropogenic GHG emissions; cattle accounted for two-thirds of this total.

  9. 9.

    See a “Brief History of USDA Food Guides” at https://www.choosemyplate.gov/brief-history-usda-food-guides

  10. 10.

    Knowledge is not sufficient. For example, Kelly Brownell is a Professor of Public Policy, a Professor of Psychology and Neuroscience, and Director of the World Food Policy Center at the Sanford School of Public Policy at Duke University, who is known for his work on obesity and food policy. Yet even Kelly Brownell struggles with his weight (as described here: https://www.activistfacts.com/person/1289-kelly-brownell/); as does Julian Alston.

  11. 11.

    Alston and Pardey (2008) concluded that the available evidence did not support claims that R&D into specialty crops was underfunded. Nonetheless, today’s USDA Specialty Crops Research Initiative (SCRI) was introduced in 2008 (based on an initiative in the 1998 Farm Bill), with significant funding dedicated for research into specialty crops, motivated in significant part by a desire to improve American diets. More recently, Pardey et al. (2013a, 2013b) present data documenting the shift of U.S. public agricultural R&D funding away from farm productivity enhancement and towards other topics, many of which are better aligned with the woke agenda, such as climate change, animal welfare, endangered species protection, and environmental pollution.

  12. 12.

    Some of those who supported Proposition 2 might also be surprised to learn that the while some hens now are allowed more movement, those hens have to live with more disease and violence and have higher mortality rates (see, e.g., Sumner et al. 2010).

  13. 13.

    Conversely, Malik et al. (2013 p. 13), assert that “The worldwide increase in obesity and related chronic diseases has largely been driven by global trade liberalization, economic growth and rapid urbanization.”

  14. 14.

    Perhaps in the past people were more willing to trust authorities and experts than they are today. Or perhaps they simply reject the idea of expertise. This is the thesis of the book by Tom Nichols (2017a) “The Death of Expertise: The Campaign Against Established Knowledge and Why It Matters.” The “death of trust” is another topic worthy of attention, if we had time and space. So, too, is the related issue of the rise of “managerialism” in the public sector whereby subject matter experts have been systematically replaced with professional bureaucrats. This systematic reduction in the stock of technical, subject matter expertise in the public sector gives grounds for citizens to have less confidence in the reliability of the authorities to make well-advised choices. The COVID-19 pandemic provides myriad examples where mismanagement, at least in part owing to ill-qualified managers, has resulted in poor public policy design and implementation—such as in Melbourne in 2020 (see, e.g., Sheridan, 2020).

  15. 15.

    Joseph Mercola, a prominent funder of Proposition 37 revealed: “Personally, I believe GM foods must be banned entirely, but labeling is the most efficient way to achieve this. Since 85 percent of the public will refuse to buy foods they know to be genetically modified, this will effectively eliminate them from the market just the way it was done in Europe.” (http://vtdigger.org/2012/04/17/wanzek-genetically-modified-food-is-perfectly-healthy/)

  16. 16.

    Taleb (2016) discusses situations in which a “minority rule” can prevail, including various food examples (kosher and non-kosher food, GMO and non-GMO food) if the majority is largely indifferent, the minority has a strong preference, and it may be costly to segregate products.

  17. 17.

    Alston and Okrent (2017) compared food taxes based on content of various nutrients such as fat and sugar and total calories, finding as expected that calorie taxes are more economically efficient at reducing consumption of calories. In an article titled “The case for taxing sugar, not soda” Dewey (2016) refers to U.S. studies that have made the point, and reports that (unlike their U.S. counterparts) Britain and South Africa have adopted SSB tax policies that more heavily penalize drinks with higher sugar content.

  18. 18.

    Taxing SSBs almost surely encourages the consumption of diet sodas, and the findings by Allcott et al. (2019a, 2019b) and others on taxing SSBs have turned on the assumption that diet sodas are safe to drink with no adverse health consequences. However, Mullee et al. (2019, E1) found otherwise: “In this population-based cohort study of 451,743 individuals from 10 countries in Europe, greater consumption of total, sugar-sweetened, and artificially sweetened soft drinks was associated with a higher risk of all-cause mortality. Consumption of artificially sweetened soft drinks was positively associated with deaths from circulatory diseases, and sugar-sweetened soft drinks were associated with deaths from digestive diseases.”

  19. 19.

    Moore and Fielding (2019) cite Scheelbeek et al. (2019) suggesting taxes on high sugar snack foods might be more effective than taxes on SSBs at reducing obesity rates in the U.K.

  20. 20.

    In the 2018 Farm Bill, for instance, the budget for agricultural R&D is essentially flat in nominal terms, but it includes increased funding for the Specialty Crop Research Initiative and the Organic Research and Extension Initiative—the budget for the latter growing to $20 million to $50 million per year from 2019 through 2022.

  21. 21.

    Around the world “organic” rule-makers arbitrarily preclude genetically engineered varieties, and they seem likely also to opt to preclude gene-edited. This is a shame. Genetically engineered (or gene-edited) varieties would enable organic farmers to use a lot less pesticide, and if permitted in organic production would enable many more farmers to qualify as organic. The wine-grape industry exemplifies these issues especially well. Genetic solutions could save great expenditures on fungicides that impose a considerable environmental burden—even among organic farmers that use great quantities of sulfur and copper, which are permitted (see, e.g., Alston & Sambucci, 2019; Sambucci et al., 2019). It seems incongruous for the “greens” to rule out technologies that would facilitate a “greener” production system.

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Alston, J.M. (2022). Woke Farm and Food Policies in the Post-truth Era: Calamitous Consequences for People and the Planet. In: de Gorter, H., McCluskey, J., Swinnen, J., Zilberman, D. (eds) Modern Agricultural and Resource Economics and Policy. Natural Resource Management and Policy, vol 55. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77760-9_6

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