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Abstract

This chapter focuses on discussing the question of populism. The chapter begins providing a brief genealogy of populism as well as a review of current manifestations of populism across continents. The chapter then considers what is populism and how it can be defined. The chapter also considers the causes of contemporary populism and revisits whether changes in media, globalisation patterns and educational failure are behind the success of populist leaders. The chapter concludes by examining the relationship between populism and democracy. It is argued that populism is a consequence of internal democratic contradictions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    s. In 2016, different events defined by the press as populist took place. This also included the Brexit Referendum. See, for example, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/12/19/the-global-wave-of-populism-that-turned-2016-upside-down/

  2. 2.

    https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-36130006; https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/nov/29/populism-tinder-politics-swipe-left-or-right-unthinkingly

  3. 3.

    For a more systematic analysis of this, see Bale, Van Kessel and Taggart (2011).

  4. 4.

    See, for instance, https://www.ft.com/content/bfb5f3d4-379d-11e6-a780-b48ed7b6126f, https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2018/09/how-the-eu-is-fighting-back-against-populism/

  5. 5.

    https://www.elmundo.es/opinion/2018/12/15/5c13df2cfc6c83466b8b4579.html

  6. 6.

    https://www.ft.com/content/bfb5f3d4-379d-11e6-a780-b48ed7b6126f

  7. 7.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/27/magazine/how-can-donald-trump-and-bernie-sanders-both-be-populist.html

  8. 8.

    Hawkins, Dudley and Tan (2016).

  9. 9.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/23/opinion/bernie-sanders-trump-populism.html

  10. 10.

    For a history of populism, see Rovira Kaltwasser et al. (2017).

  11. 11.

    For a more in-depth discussion on the meaning of populism, see Canovan (2004).

  12. 12.

    See Grattan (2014) for more detail.

  13. 13.

    See more on the narodniki in Allcock (1971).

  14. 14.

    For a discussion on US People’s Party, see Martinelli (2016).

  15. 15.

    To examine this historiographic controversy, read Collins (1989) and Pollack (1960).

  16. 16.

    According to Pollack (1960), relying on “very few items, some misinterpreted, and on an extremely weak master’s thesis” (p. 493).

  17. 17.

    See outlines of this controversy in Gidron and Bonikowski (2013) and Müller (2017).

  18. 18.

    About populist tendencies on Modi’s discourse and government, see Rao (2018).

  19. 19.

    For a discussion on Thailand, see Moffitt and Tormey (2014).

  20. 20.

    To know more about Pauline Hanson, see Grant, Moore and Lynch (2018) and Moffitt and Tormey (2014).

  21. 21.

    Moffitt and Tormey (2014). See also, epistemological populism as “the knowledge of ‘the common people,’ which they possess by virtue of their proximity to everyday life, as distinguished from the rarefied knowledge of elites which reflects their alienation from everyday life and the common sense it produces” (Saurette & Gunster, 2011, p. 199).

  22. 22.

    For this, see Hawkins, Dudley and Tan (2016), Kazin (1998), Lowndes (2018).

  23. 23.

    For a discussion of Populism in Latin America, look at De La Torre (2017), Panizza (2008) and Rovira Kaltwasser (2012).

  24. 24.

    See neoliberal populists in Gratius (2007).

  25. 25.

    See Panizza (2008) and De La Torre (2017) to know more about these radical leaders.

  26. 26.

    For a discussion on Bolsonaro, see Gledhill (2019).

  27. 27.

    For a brief discussion of this, see Gidron and Bonikowski (2013).

  28. 28.

    For a discussion on similarities and differences between Fascism and populism see also Eatwell (2017).

  29. 29.

    For similar arguments, see also Eatwell (2017); Laclau (1977); Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser (2012) and Stavrakakis and Katsambekis (2014).

  30. 30.

    For populism in Europe, see Taggart (2017).

  31. 31.

    See a discussion on Polish populism in Sztompka (2016).

  32. 32.

    Whether or not Golden Dawn is a populist party is controversial. See Stavrakakis and Katsambekis (2014).

  33. 33.

    For a discussion of populism in Greece, see Kriesi (2014) and Stavrakakis and Katsambekis (2014).

  34. 34.

    Taggart (2017) provides an up-to-date discussion on populism in Western Europe.

  35. 35.

    For populism in the Netherlands, see Otjes and Louwerse (2015).

  36. 36.

    His discourse is similar to that of Sweden Democrats and the Austrian Freedom Party.

  37. 37.

    For a discussion on populism in Italy, see Segatti and Capuzzi (2016) and Verbeek and Zaslove (2016).

  38. 38.

    For a deeper discussion on Le Pen’s programme.

  39. 39.

    For a brief discussion on Mélenchon see, Mouffe (2018).

  40. 40.

    See, for instance, Betz (2016), Gamper Sachse (2018), Ramiro and Gomez (2017).

  41. 41.

    For a discussion on Brexit and populism, see Goodwin and Heath (2016).

  42. 42.

    UKIP, however, has been more successful in local and European elections. UKIP won 24 MEPs in the 2014 European Parliament elections becoming the most voted party. In the 2019 European elections, the Brexit party of Nigel Farage gained 29 MEPs out of 73.

  43. 43.

    For a discussion of Corbyn and populism, see March (2017), Mouffe (2018).

  44. 44.

    See Canovan (1999), Gidron and Bonikowski (2013), Martinelli (2016) and Mudde (2017).

  45. 45.

    For a discussion on the different definitions of populism, see Gidron and Bonikowski (2013), Moffit and Tormey (2014), De La Torre (2017) and Rovira Kaltwasser, Taggart, Ochoa Espejo and Ostiguy (2017).

  46. 46.

    For a discussion on the problematics of leadership-focused conceptualisations of populism, see Moffit and Tormey (2014) and Mudde (2017).

  47. 47.

    See Bourne (2012).

  48. 48.

    See, https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2016/06/30/remarks-president-obama-prime-minister-trudeau-canada-and-president-pe%C3%B1a

  49. 49.

    https://blogs.spectator.co.uk/2018/09/how-the-eu-is-fighting-back-against-populism/

  50. 50.

    For a discussion on this, see Canovan (2004), Mudde (2007), Laclau (2007a, b) and Mudde (2017).

  51. 51.

    There are very good exceptions to this. For instance, see https://www.theguardian.com/world/series/the-new-populism

  52. 52.

    https://institute.global/policy/populist-harm-democracy-empirical-assessment

  53. 53.

    For a discussion on this demonisation, see Stavrakakis and Katsambekis (2014) and Stavrakakis (2017).

  54. 54.

    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/12/labour-antisemitism-populist-left-jews-bankers-rothschild

  55. 55.

    In political science, researchers often differentiate between supply-side discussions (i.e. what makes a politician, a party or a discourse populist?) and demand-side discussions (i.e. what makes a society responsive to the populist appeals) (i.e. Inglehart & Norris, 2016; Sztompka, 2016; Resnick, 2017). Whilst the previous section focused mainly on the supply-side, this section examines the demand-side.

  56. 56.

    Kriesi (2014).

  57. 57.

    For a good discussion on the mediatisation of politics, see Esser and Matthes (2013) and Manucci (2017).

  58. 58.

    For a discussion on populism and social media, see Engesser, Ernst, Esser and Büchel (2017), Manucci (2017), and Verbeek and Zaslove (2016).

  59. 59.

    @realDonaldTrump, tweet 27 February 2017.

  60. 60.

    See, for instance, Gerbaudo (2017). Social media teams as digital vanguards: the question of leadership in the management of key Facebook and Twitter accounts of Occupy Wall Street, Indignados and UK Uncut. Information, Communication & Society, 20(2), 185–202.

  61. 61.

    For different patterns of twitter use between Trump and Clinton, see Enli (2017).

  62. 62.

    See also Inglehart and Norris (2016), Kalb (2009), Kriesi and Pappas (2015) and Martinelli (2016).

  63. 63.

    For an analysis of this, see Wendy Brown (2010).

  64. 64.

    A nuanced discussion around this topic can be found in Appadurai (2006).

  65. 65.

    See, for instance, Inglehart and Norris (2016).

  66. 66.

    For the relation between populism and education, see Goodwin & Heath, 2016; Inglehart & Norris, 2016; Ramiro & Gomez, 2017. Ramiro and Gomez (2017) provide a discussion of support for left populism.

  67. 67.

    Inglehart & Norris, 2016; Ramiro & Gomez, 2017; Segatti & Capuzzi, 2016; Spierings & Zaslove, 2017; Stanley, 2011.

  68. 68.

    See, for instance, Goodwin and Heath (2016), Hobolt (2016) and Runciman (2018).

  69. 69.

    See, Ramiro (2016).

  70. 70.

    Ramiro and Gomez, 2017.

  71. 71.

    For an analysis of this, see Sloam and Henn, 2019.

  72. 72.

    Dyck, Pearson-Merkowitz and Coates, 2018 for US and Remmer (2012) for Latin America.

  73. 73.

    For a discussion on anti-liberal populism, see Martinelli (2016) and Rummens (2017).

  74. 74.

    For a discussion on the internal contradiction of democracy, see Canovan (1999) and Arditi (2004).

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Sant, E. (2021). Populism. In: Political Education in Times of Populism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76299-5_3

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