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The Double Life of Virtual: Emancipation as Immobilization in an Isolated Age

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Chaos, Complexity and Leadership 2020

Part of the book series: Springer Proceedings in Complexity ((SPCOM))

Abstract

Considering the increasing reliance on technology during the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemics, the aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the specific state of isolation and the possibility of using digital technologies being percieved as the then-dominant free space for acting. Starting with the assumption that virtual space is not given by itself, but rather diabolical in the middle of reflecting the existing power relations and the parallel inscribing of the potential for their resolution, the paper seeks to examine the (im)possibility of anticipating wider socio-political alternatives with the emphasis of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the pandemics. In other words, acting on the Web is both immobilizing and emancipatory. Based on the attempt to read chaos theory from a dialectical perspective, the significance of this paper is reflected in the application of theoretical assumptions about the influence of technology towards the affirmation of radical democratic practices. The interdependence of liberating and limiting as emancipating and immobilizing in the context of information and communication technologies will show that emancipation is not to be seen as a linear, eschatological process. Instead, it depends on different, unpredictable, and nonlinear outcomes, as well as the complexity of the interpenetration of global and localized phenomena.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The concept of synchrony and diachrony was first developed by the Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussere to explain the observation of language in the present state as synchronic, while diachronic observation would represent language in the historical field. However, outside the framework of structural linguistics, these terms can be used to describe the way of observing a certain phenomenon that has developed throughout history, whose implications we have in the present.

  2. 2.

    About the intensity of the use of Internet, social networks and smartphones in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in general and among youth before the pandemic, see: [80]

  3. 3.

    A paradigmatic political-philosophical conflict on this issue was the positivism dispute (German: Positivismusstreit) in 1961 between the representatives of critical rationalism on the one side, claiming that social sciences have to keep the scientific method and dealing with empirical questions as the main subjects of scientific investigation while the members of Frankfurt school of critical theory on the other side advocated that the role of sociology should be discovering the fabrics of society for the purpose of liberating the society from domination and thus changing it.

  4. 4.

    We take as examples the Occupy movement, the Arab spring, Beppe Grillo and the Five Star Movement in Italy and the emergance of Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece or the recenet Gilets jaunes movement in France.

  5. 5.

    The basis of scientific positivism is that social processes are observed and studied analogously to natural ones—they are subordinated to the positive facts within social problems can be solved by a scientific approach, thus imposing the thesis that society itself, as well the physical world, is subjected to acts in accordance with certain immutable, absolute and universal natural laws that cannot be changed [24, 203], so the essence of the being merges with the phenomenon itself. In other words, it is a linear approach to reality grounded in the Galilean-Newtonian tradition of science—in the concept of scientific optimism that accepts Newtian mechanics as an example of all knowledge—his “revolutionary innovatin was a physics consisting exclusively of observable phenomena and the logical relations among them” [32].

  6. 6.

    It is to note that the term “dialectical materialism” was never used by Karl Marx or Friedrich Engels unlike “historical materialism”, “dialectics” or “materialist dialectics”. It was, however, coined by Joseph Dietzgen and later developed by many other Marxist and socialist theoreticians, thus being used as a conceptual tool and philosophical approach to reality.

  7. 7.

    See also: Laclau, E. & Mouffe, C. (2014). Hegemony and Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. London/New York: Verso.

  8. 8.

    While the pandemic is still ongoing, here we put focus on the first year of the COVID 19 pandemics, starting from March 2020 after the WHO declared a pandemic [99].

  9. 9.

    See, for instance the cases of Sejdić and Finci (2009), Zornić (2014), Pilav (2016) and Pudarić (2020) versus Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  10. 10.

    The measures included “movement restrictions for those younger than 18 and older than 65; closure of national borders and curfews; closure of preschools, school institutions, universities, all public gatherings, and ordered cafes, bars, restaurants, and cultural institutions; public and city transport ban; comprehensive patient care reorganization in the public health system, etc.” [6, 398].

  11. 11.

    10,5 million Bosnian marks (around 5,4 million euros, based on the exchange rate for January 7th, 2021).

  12. 12.

    Satire is defined as “a way of criticizing people or ideas in a humorous way, especially in order to make a political point, or a piece of writing that uses this style” (Cambridge Dictionary), while the “Dictionary of Literary Terms” states that its main goal is to point out social or moral weaknesses, vices and evils, subjecting them to disgrace and ridicule them thus contributing to their elimination [103]. The goal of satire in Bosnia and Herzegovina within the COVID-19 pandemics is not fully fulfilled, as its content remained a goal to itself.

  13. 13.

    For an informative insight on the rise of meme culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, see [96].

  14. 14.

    It would be wrong to claim that only coercion kept people inside their homes. Instead, in the dilemma between security and freedom, the victory was taken by security. Perhaps this humane gesture of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina could be read as a response to the general insecurity in various fields, so the humane decision to respect the measures appears as a pursuit of the necessary security.

  15. 15.

    The first LGBTQ Pride in Bosnia and Herzegovina was held on September 8th, 2019 under the official slogan “Ima izać'” (roughly translated as “Coming out”), but at the same time, a connotative meaning was added to the syntagm “within four walls” since members of LGBTQ community are living between four walls unable to publicly declare their identity. The second Pride was held on August 23th, 2020 under the slogan “No life within four walls” with participants passing with cars through the cities all over of Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the pandemics, the feeling of being within four walls expanded beyond the boundaries of this marginalized group. By postponing the march, it could be seen how the issue of LGBTQ community is not only an identity issue, but above all, an issue that depends on the mutual forces of material conditions. It is not only a question of being contaminated by the virus, but also the fact that many have lost their jobs, sent to work from home, or their job is just set on hold. For those depending on precarious work, projects have also been postponed, thus complicating the existential conditions on all sides of society.

  16. 16.

    For the anti-government protests in, for example, Hong Kong that have been going since 2019, the outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic together with the issue of public health was just one of a series of arguments confronting Chinese authorities in their demands for more democracy. It is similar with other protests against government measures, which opposition forces used as a tool against the government.

  17. 17.

    It is a “interaction of publics, online and offline, all intertwined, multiple, connected, and complex, but also transnational and global” [89, 6].

  18. 18.

    It should be taken into account that not all citizens use the social network and that there is a certain generation gap among their users: younger generations use Instagram and TikTok more, and the older ones use Facebook or Twitter [25, 45]. This stratification reduces the possibility of a further, joint action.

  19. 19.

    Thus, organizing the JMBG protests in 2013 and February protests and plenums in 2014 enabled at the same time their relative massification as well as the investigative bodes to monitor the protesters [41, 71], and spreading of fabricated misinformation in order to criminalize and compromise the protests and citizens (cf. [3, 53, 83]).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

    Jasmin Hasanović

  2. Institute for Social Science Research, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

    Emina Adilović

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  1. Jasmin Hasanović
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  2. Emina Adilović
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Correspondence to Jasmin Hasanović or Emina Adilović .

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Faculty of Education, Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey

    Şefika Şule Erçetin

  2. Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli University, Ankara, Turkey

    Şuay Nilhan Açıkalın

  3. Faculty of Political Science, University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

    Emir Vajzović

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Hasanović, J., Adilović, E. (2021). The Double Life of Virtual: Emancipation as Immobilization in an Isolated Age. In: Erçetin, Ş.Ş., Açıkalın, Ş.N., Vajzović, E. (eds) Chaos, Complexity and Leadership 2020. Springer Proceedings in Complexity. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74057-3_7

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