Domain Restricted Measure Functions and the Extent Readings of Relative Measures

Abstract

In recent work Solt (2018) proposes to enrich the typology of linguistically available measure functions by introducing domain-restricted measure function and proportional variants of such functions. This chapter makes a novel argument for the existence of such domain-restricted (proportional) measure functions. The argument is based on the behaviour of percentages as predicate modifiers in examples like The river is 70 per cent narrow. I show that an ambiguity arises in such and similar cases between what I call Degree and Extent readings. Whereas in Degree readings the percentage appears to operate on the (gradable) predicate itself, in Extent readings, the percentage appears to modify the subject of the predication. I argue that one can derive Extent readings and retain a unified analysis of percentages as degree-operators once we admit domain-restricted measure functions. I further argue that the ambiguity can be treated as a structural ambiguity, if we assume (i) that the measures are introduced by a functional head Meas (Schwarzschild, Syntax 9:67–110, 2006; Solt, Journal of Semantics 32:221–273, 2015, 2018 a.m.o.) and (ii) that the predicational structures receive a Neo-Davidsonian analysis (Wellwood, Linguistics and Philosophy 38:67–101, 2015, a.o.). If so, Degree readings arise when Meas attaches on the underlying state and Extent readings when it attaches on the head introducing the holder of the state.

I would like to thank Rob Pasternak for discussion on the material presented here and a reviewer for their helpful comments on the manuscript. This work, as well as my thinking on all issues around measurement and degree expressions, owes a lot to Stephanie Solt, who I have the pleasure and privilege to have as a colleague. All errors are my own.