Abstract
The purpose of this paper is to highlight an aspect of Elisabeth’s intellectual life that has received little scholarly attention so far, namely Elisabeth’s involvement with the sciences of her day. Firstly, this paper provides a survey of Elisabeth’s interest in and engagement with various scientific disciplines, such as mathematics, medicine, natural philosophy, and microscopy, drawing on her letter exchange with Descartes and several other intellectuals as well as additional documents, such as dedications of scientific works to Elisabeth. Secondly, this paper investigates Elisabeth’s involvement with one particular scientific discipline, namely astronomy. Analyzing Elisabeth’s letter exchange with Andreas Colvius (1594–1671) and Constantijn Huygens (1596–1687) and additional letters and testimonies, I show that Elisabeth played an active part in at least three current debates in astronomy, namely concerning (i) the discoveries of the satellites of Jupiter, (ii) the emerging maps of the moon, and (iii) the invention of the new telescopes. Based on the evidence provided in this paper, it is argued that Elisabeth’s intellectual biography should be broadened. It is not sufficient to perceive her only as a critic of Descartes’ philosophy, as this characterization does not accommodate her scientific commitments, but rather as a multitalented intellectual.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
“Und der Vermählung ward nicht weiter gedacht, was der Prinzessin erwünscht schien, und sie that sich selbst das Gelübde, ihr ganzes Leben den Wissenschaften und der Philosophie zu widmen.” (Söltl 1840, 319). A similar argument with reference to Descartes’ philosophy was already made by Baillet, who stated that Elisabeth deliberately choose not to marry, pour vacquer plus de liberté à la Philosophie de M. Descartes. Baillet 1690, II, 231. The same argument is echoed in Kuno Fischer’s influential Geschichte der neuere Philosophie: “Die Gemühtsart der Prinzessin (…) war ganz gestimmt, sich mit voller Hingebung den geistigen Interessen zu widmen. In derselben Zeit, als sie die Bewerbung des Polenkönigs ausschlug (1638), ergriff sie die Lehre Descartes.” (Fischer 1878, 191).
- 3.
Elisabeth was not the only family member with a keen interest in the sciences. Her brother Rupert, Duke of Cumberland (1619–1682), one of the founding members of the Royal Society, became famous for various scientific inventions. Several of his inventions, such as a water pump or a turning lathe, were also discussed among his siblings, see Hauck (1908), 118, 124, 128, 129–31, 133, 137, 138, 192f., 272.
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
Descartes, Dedication of his Principles of Philosophy: “& fere omnibus usu venit ut, si versati sint in Metaphysicis, a Geometricis abhorreant; si vero Geometriam excoluerint, quae de prima Philosophia scripsi non capiant: solum agnosco ingenium tuum, cui omnia aeque perspicua sunt.” AT VIII, 4.
- 7.
See Elisabeth’s letter to Theodore Haak 9/19 May 1656. British Library, MS Add. 4365, fos. 186–197. A transcription of the letter together with an English translation is provided by Bos 2010, 498–99.
- 8.
Elisabeth to Theodore Haak, 9/19 May 1665. British Library, MS Add. 4365, fos. 196. See Bos 2010, 498.
- 9.
Schooten’s dedication to Elisabeth: “Quippe quae in earum adyta ita penetrasti, ut Artem Analyticam, ipsam in Mathematicis inveniendi viam, in qua ingenii praesertim acumen requiritur, optime cognoveris, eaque ratione, quantum incomparabilis ingenii tui industria praestare valeat, et satis superque ostenderis.” Descartes 1649, *3r. On Descartes and the ars analytica, see Israel 1997 and Bashmakova et al. 1999.
- 10.
For a detailed reconstruction of Elisabeth’s role in the transmission and distribution of Descartes’ mathematical two letters, see Bos (2010).
- 11.
Elisabeth to Theodore Haak, 9/19 May 1665: “Je vous envoyay dernierement, pour cest Excellent person[n]age Mr Moor, deuz Lettres de feu Des Cartes.” British Library, MS Add. 4365, fos. 196. See Bos (2010), 498.
- 12.
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Elisabeth to Theodore Haak, 9/19 May 1665: “Je vous rends graces de la peine que vous avez prise de m’envoyer les imprimees Transactions philosophiques, et vous prie d’y adjouster les Effets du nouveau Microscope et les Observations de Mr Boiles touchant le Froid, quand ils seront imprimez.” Boyle’s work was reviewed in the first issue from 6 March 1665 (pp. 8–9), Hooke’s Micrographia in the second issue from 3 April 1665 (pp. 27–32). See also Bos (2010).
- 14.
“Een Microscopium van Fyn Zilver, verguld, gemaakt door Directie van den Heer Descartes voor de Princes Elizabeth, (oudste Suster van de Princes Sophia van Hanover,) die het tot een Present aan Benjamin Furly gegeven heeft.” Furly (1714), 328.
- 15.
- 16.
Schurman to Elisabeth: “[…] l’Astronomie, qui est une science noble & tres-digne de nostre contemplation,” Schurman 1648, 286.
- 17.
See Mirjam de Baar’s chapter in this volume.
- 18.
Colvius to Elisabeth (9 June 1643) and the reply by Elisabeth to Colvius (21 June 1643). The exchange with Colvius has already received some scholarly attention. It was first mentioned by Adam and Tannery (AT VIII 2, 196–7) then by Thijessen-Schoute (1954) and more recently by Carol Pal (2012).
- 19.
During his early years in Italy, he acquired a copy of the manuscript of Galileo’s Del flusso e reflusso del mare (c.1616), which was published only much later. See Descartes (2003), 293.
- 20.
Schurman and Colvius had porbably met in Dortrecht; their correspondence dates back to 1637, see Larsen (2016), 86–87.
- 21.
On this dispute see Verbeek (1988).
- 22.
“[…] que plus i’y adiouste quelque chose de l’astronomie, qu’on me vient d’envoyer du Maslines. il faut que le cappucin de Rheita responde aux difficultés que met en avant le docte du Pell, ou autrement nous le devons tenir pour fantasque ou imposteur. i’espere d’en avoir bien-tost des novelles.” Colvius to Elisabeth, 9 June 1643. Leiden, UB, BPL 284, f. 102r. Thijssen-Schoute (1989), 566.
- 23.
- 24.
See Descartes (2003), 297. In their short biography on Rheita the editors mention two letters of Samuel Sorbière (“to Andrea Vissonato, 14 May 1643, to Samuel Jonsson, 19 July 1643, BnF, MS Latin 10.352, fos. 52r–v, 63v”).
- 25.
Gassendi was informed about Rheita’s observation by Gabriel Naudé, who received the information “from Belgium.” Later that same year (in September 1643) a second edition appeared in Louvain provided by Caramuel, now with additional documents, especially with Caramuel’s letter exchange with Rheita and Caramuel’s defense of Rheita’s observation as stated in a letter to Fabio Chigi.
- 26.
This has already been suggested, with reference to Thijssen-Schoute (1989), 566, by Malcom and Stedall: “A copy of Pell’s letter to Boswell criticizing Rheita’s claims was passed (probably by Boswell) to the learned Princess Elizabeth at the Palatine court in The Hague; she then showed it to other individuals, including Descartes’s friend Andreas Colvius,” Malcolm and Stedall (2004), 98.
- 27.
“Von Rheita’s letter, together with both sets of objections, had come to Colvius, and Colvius had sent them to Elisabeth” (Pal 2012, 48).
- 28.
“Ie vous remercie ausy pour le livret que m’avez envoié au mesme tems, qui promett baucoup en l’astronomie: mais ie voudrois que son autheur (come ausy Rieta) nous eut fait cognoistre sa science, avant que l’admirer.” Elisabeth to Colvius, 21 June 1643. Leiden, UB, PAP 1c [s. p.]. AT VIII 2, 197.
- 29.
Caramuel himself was sometimes in Mechelen, where he conducted experiment with fallen bodies, see Schmolka (2008), 340.
- 30.
See Wendelin to Gassendi, 11 July 1643: “(…) copiam Lampadis meae, quam sub finem Maij extuli in publicam.” Gassendi (1658),VI, 455.
- 31.
Lumen primum: “Omnes dies, sunt inter se aequales” (p. 15–16); Lumen secundum: “Oscillatoriae sunt Prostaphaereses Lunares” (pp. 17–18); Lumen tertium: “Celeritates Apsidum sunt ad invicem in ratione Sextantaria suarum Excentricitatum” (pp. 19–21); Lumen quartum: “Comparationi Apsidum Solis et Lunae applicanda est ratio triplicata mensium annuorum” (pp. 22–24).
- 32.
- 33.
Descartes to Colvius, 5 September 1643: “I’avois aussi desia vu la lampe de Vendelinus; mais elle ne m’a point esclairé.” AT IV, 718.
- 34.
Florent was intimately acquainted with Erycius Puteanus (1574–1646), who was also at the court. On 29 November 1643, Puteanus wrote to Van Langren about Juan Caramuel’s edition of Rheta’s work, because it also had a part on the moon.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
Huygens to Elisabeth, 23 June 1645:“Cest homme, beaucoup plus inconnu à mes yeulx que les mesmes tasches de la Lune qu’il distribute, me charge de l’adresse de ces pacquets. Je supplie tres-humblement V. A. d’aggreer l’office d’amy et d’ennemy que je ne puis refuser de luy rendre, et que par quelqu’un des vostres, Madame, je puisse estre informé de ce que j’ay à luy rescrire de la part de V.A.” Worp (1911–1917) IV, 162.
- 38.
Helge bei der Wieden has already mentioned these documents, see Wieden 1997.
- 39.
On Elisabeth and Gryphius see Powell (1960).
- 40.
“v.16. Worbey ich nicht vorüber kan / mich zu erinnern der artigen Worte der Durchlauchtigsten vnd vnvergleichlichsten Fürstin Elisabeth Pfaltzgräffin beym Rhein. Welche als jhr selbtes Kupferstück von dem Erfinder vbersendet: Selbigen gerühmet daß er so freygebig gegen sie gewesen / vnd / in dem sein König sie jhrer Väterlichen Erbländer entsetzet / jhr doch einen Platz in dem Monden vergönnet. Nur erwartete sie von jhm Mittel selbigen in Besitz zu nehmen. ” (Gryphius 1961, II, 252).
- 41.
“Le conte d’Arondel a ouy tant de merveilles du dernier quil est resolu d’aller voir son œil d’Enoch et sil continue sa resolution de venir de Colloigne en ce pays, ie m’assure qu’il nous aportera l’instrument mesme s’il est a vandre ou bien une discreption plus particulliere de sa construction que ie vous envoiray tout ausy tost sy elle merite une vueu.” Elisabeth to Colvius, 21 June 1643. Leiden, UB, PAP 1c [s. p.]. AT VIII 2, 197.
- 42.
This was most certainly Thomas Howard (1586–1646), second earl of Arundel who was intimately related to Elisabeth’s family. Already in 1613, he had accompanied Elisabeth’s mother abroad for her marriage and visited also Heidelberg. After the death of Elisabeth’s father, he was sent to The Hague to convey condolences to his widow.
- 43.
This relates to Christiaan Huygens’ treatise De iis quae in liquido supernatant (1649), which remained unpublished until the early twentieth century, see Huygens 1908.
- 44.
Constantijn Huygens to Elisabeth, 31 December 1653: “Il y en a une [production] qui concerne la theorie de ce qui flotte sur l’humide, et une autre, où touts les fondemens de la telescopie sont deduit, aveq des observations et raisonnemens sur les lunettes d’approche, que j’estime qu’on trouvera dignes de la reputation que ce jeusne auteur s’est desjà acquise parmi les gens de mestier.” Worp (1911–1917) V, 193.
- 45.
Constantijn Huygens to Elisabeth, 25 December 1654: “Mon Archimede venant encore de mettre au jour quelque production nouuelle de son creu, je me haste de preuenir le reproche dont Vostre Altesse a voulu m’honorer par le passé, quand j’aij tardé de luij render compte de la naissance de quelque semblable mien petit fils chez moij.” Huygens 1888, 313.
- 46.
Colvius to Elisabeth, 12 January 1657: “Les lunettes d’aproche nous donnent des pourmenades ès cieux. M. Christian Hugens de Zulicon en faict des excellencs, de 12 pieds de longueur, & espere d’en foire de 24 pieds. De ceux de 12, l’on voir des objects 50 fois plus grands que de nos yeux. Le susdit Seigneur est desia comme un autre Des Cartes: auquel quelques uns veulent tant de mal, qu’ils ne peuvent laisser reposer ses cendres.” AT XII, 485.
- 47.
Constantijn Huygens to Elisabeth, 31 December 1653 “Et si un jour Monseigneur L’Electeur vostre frere me faisoit l’honneur d’aggreer quelque poulaine de cest haras, je croy qu’il n’y verroit pas le service de sa Maison interessé. V. A. me fasse la grace de’y penser par occasion, et s’assure qu’elle ne se trouvera pas trompée de mon debit, quoyque paternal, et passionné comme il doibt.” Worp (1911–1917) V, 194.
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Ebbersmeyer, S. (2021). Elisabeth of Bohemia and the Sciences: The Case of Astronomy. In: Ebbersmeyer, S., Hutton, S. (eds) Elisabeth of Bohemia (1618–1680): A Philosopher in her Historical Context. Women in the History of Philosophy and Sciences, vol 9. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71527-4_3
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