Abstract
The chapter explores the history of knowledge, practices, and technologies associated with the development of scientometrics and its main tools, the Science Citation Index, science indicators and impact factors in the 1970s. The chapter shows how imagined and real features of Soviet science and society, such as the centralization of research, employment security and the labour of the Soviet users of Western technologies, who often worked by hand or using simple mechanical devices, shaped the development of this computer-based data-analytic tool in the places of its origin in the West. The history of scientometrics is a complex story of creative appropriation and modification of knowledge and technologies in the context of transnational, East–West interactions and encounters.
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- 1.
Y.M. Rabkin, “Measuring Science in the USSR: Uses and Expectations,” Survey: Journal of East and West Studies 22, no. 2 (1976): 69–80.
- 2.
On the history and the agenda of the journal, originally titled Soviet Survey, see Giles Scott-Smith, “Tracking the Bear: Survey,” in Giles Scott-Smith and Charlotte Lerg (eds.), Campaigning Culture and the Global Cold War: The Journals of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), pp. 167–184.
- 3.
Rabkin, “Measuring Science in the USSR,” 75.
- 4.
See Elena Aronova, “Recent Trends in the Historiography of Science in the Cold War,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 47, no. 4 (2017): 568–577.
- 5.
David C. Engerman, “Social Science in the Cold War,” Isis 101 (2010): 393–400, on 396.
- 6.
For a rare exception, see Ivan Boldyrev and Olessia Kirtchik, “On (im)permeabilities: Social and human sciences on both sides of the ‘Iron Curtain,” History of the Human Sciences 29, no. 4–5 (2016): 3–12, and other papers in this issue.
- 7.
The President’s Science Advisory Committee (PSAC), “The Responsibilities of the Technical Community and the Government in the Transfer of Information. A Report.” The White House, January 10, 1963 (Eugene Garfield Papers, Chemical Heritage Foundation, Philadelphia, hereafter, Garfield Papers), p. 7.
- 8.
Alvin M. Weinberg, “Impact of Large-Scale Science on the United States,” Science 134, no. 3473 (1961): 161–164.
- 9.
PSAC, “The Responsibilities of the Technical Community and the Government,” 2, 9.
- 10.
PSAC, “The Responsibilities of the Technical Community and the Government,” 4. On mechanical translation and Cold War concerns, see Michael D. Gordin, “The Dostoevsky Machine in Georgetown: Scientific Translation in the Cold War,” Annals of Science 73, no. 2 (2016): 208–223.
- 11.
PSAC, “The Responsibilities of the Technical Community and the Government,” p. 35.
- 12.
For biographical information, see Henry Small, “A tribute to Eugene Garfield: Information innovator and idealist,” Journal of Informetrics 11, no. 3 (2017): 599–612; Blaise Cronin and Helen Barsky Atkins, eds., A Festschrift in honor of Eugene Garfield (American Society for Information Science, 2000).
- 13.
Colin B. Burke, America’s information wars: the untold story of information systems in America’s conflicts and politics from World War II to the internet age (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2018), p. 288.
- 14.
Ibid.
- 15.
Eugene Garfield, “Citation Indexes for Science,” Science 122, no. 3159 (1955): 108–111. See discussion in Paul Wouters, “The Creation of the Science Citation Index,” in M.E. Bowden, T. Bellardo Hahn, and R.V. Williams, eds., Proceedings of the 1998 Conference on the History and Heritage of Science Information Systems (Pittsburgh, PA: Information Today, 1999b), pp. 127–136, and Paul Wouters, The Citation Culture. PhD. Dissertation, University of Amsterdam, 1999.
- 16.
See Garfield, “Citation Indexes for Science.”
- 17.
“The Organization of Scientific Information for Retrieval and Dissemination.” A proposal for the NSF, 1956, Garfield Papers.
- 18.
Burke, America’s information wars, 289.
- 19.
On the Air Force’s programs in information management and library sciences, see Rowena Swanson, “Information Sciences: Some Research Directions,” Air Force Review 17/3 (1966): 56–67.
- 20.
Eugene Garfield to Harold Wooster, 27 June 1959; also discussed in Harold Wooster’s outline of his work as documentation specialist at the US Air Force, u/d, Garfield Papers.
- 21.
Joseph P. Martino to Irving H. Sher, February 7, 1966, Garfield Papers.
- 22.
“A General Feasibility of Citation Indexes for Science.” A proposal for research, 1959. Prepared by Eugene Garfield Associate, 1523 Spring Garden Street, Philadelphia, PA,Garfield Papers.
- 23.
Joshua Lederberg to Eugene Garfield, October 8, 1961, Garfield Papers.
- 24.
Eugene Garfield to Derek Price, March 6, 1962, Garfield Papers.
- 25.
Derek Price to Eugene Garfield, March 15, 1962, Garfield Papers.
- 26.
Ibid.
- 27.
For further discussion, see Paul Wouters, “The Citation Culture,” op. cit.
- 28.
For social scientists, the use of quantification and computerization in their analysis of science, including its history and its social implications, was a means to demonstrate how social sciences themselves could be part of Big Science. At the same time, the embrace of quantification made them an easy target of criticism by their more traditionally oriented colleagues. See discussion in Alex Csiszar, “Metrics and the Bureaucratic Virtuoso: Robert K. Merton, Eugene Garfield, and Goal Displacement in Science” (paper presented at the workshop “‘The Engine of Modernity’: Construing Science as the Driving Force of History,” May 2–3, 2017, Columbia University). I thank Alex Csiszar for sharing his paper with me.
- 29.
P. T. P. Oliver, “Citation Indexing for Studying Science,” Nature 227 (1970): 870.
- 30.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Eugene Garfield conducted by Robert V. Williams on 29 July 1997 (hereafter, Garfield oral history transcript), Garfield Papers.
- 31.
For further references and detail see Elena Aronova, “Geophysical Datascapes of the Cold War: Politics and Practices of the World Data Centers in the 1950s and 1960s,” Osiris 32 (2017): 307–327.
- 32.
The argument was made, for instance, in Pembroke J. Hart, “Geophysical Data—Action Item for GRB Meeting,” Memorandum, May 21, 1979, Box 19, folder 2, Philip Hauge Abelson Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. For further references and discussion see Aronova, “The Geophysical Datascapes of the Cold War.”
- 33.
Eugene Garfield and Robert Hayne, “Needed—A National Science Intelligence and Documentation Center,” December 1955, Correspondence and Reports: 1955–7, IGY Papers, National Academy of Sciences Archives, Washington, DC (hereafter, IGY Papers). See also R. C. Peavey to Eugene Garfield, August 4, 1956, Correspondence and Reports: 1955–7, IGY Papers.
- 34.
See Pamela Spence Richards, “Cold War Librarianship: Soviet and American Library Activities in Support of National Foreign Policy, 1946–1991,” Libraries & Culture 36, no. 1 (2001): 193–203.
- 35.
“ISI history,” u/d draft, Garfield Papers.
- 36.
Melville J. Ruggles and Raynard C. Swank, Soviet Libraries and Librarianship: Report of the Visit of the Delegation of U.S. Librarians to the Soviet Union, May–June 1961, under the U.S.-Soviet Cultural Exchange Agreement (Chicago, 1962). On the scholarly exchanges during the Cold War see Yale Richmond, Cultural Exchange and the Cold War: Raising the Iron Curtain (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2003).
- 37.
On Garfield and VINITI, see Eugene Garfield, “The ISI-VINITI Connection: Remarks on the 50th Anniversary of VINITI” (paper presented at the Sixth International Conference of Information Society, Intelligent Information Processing and Information Technology, October 16–18, 2002, Moscow), http://garfield.library.upenn.edu/papers/viniti101502.html.
- 38.
Gary Brooten, “Soviet Official Admits Red Scientists Face Lag on Information,” The Philadelphia Inquirer (January 28, 1966).
- 39.
Ibid.
- 40.
Eugene Garfield to Nikolai Arutyunov, February 25, 1966, Garfield Papers.
- 41.
See Paul N. Edwards, The Closed World: Computers and the Politics of Discourse in Cold War America (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996), and Slava Gerovitch. From Newspeak to Cyberspeak: A History of Soviet Cybernetics (Cambridge, Mass./London: MIT Press, 2002).
- 42.
Anon., “IBM Moves Into Eastern European Market,” Computerworld (November 17, 1971), p. 57.
- 43.
Eugene Garfield to Nikolai Arutyunov, July 14, 1971, Garfield Papers.
- 44.
Ibid.
- 45.
Eugene Garfield to G. Vladutz, “Prospects of Exchanging Machine Readable Tapes with USSR (VINITI and GPNTE),” memorandum, August 5, 1977, Garfield Papers.
- 46.
Thus, in exchange for the ISI data products Garfield indicated that he willing to accept “Russian manpower” for “some specific work which Soviet scientists could do for the ISI” (Eugene Garfield to Nikolai Arutyunov, January 19, 1982, Garfield Papers).
- 47.
See Slava Gerovitch, “‘Mathematical Machines’ of the Cold War: Soviet Computing, American Cybernetics and Ideological Disputes in the Early 1950s.” Social Studies of Science 31, no. 2 (2001): 253–87.
- 48.
Gerovitch, From Newspeak to Cyberspeak, 139.
- 49.
Scientific and Technical Information in the Soviet Union, Report of the D.S.I.R.-Asib Delegation to Moscow and Leningrad, 7–24 June, 1963 (London, 1964), p. 39.
- 50.
Garfield oral history transcript.
- 51.
In the 1960s, the VINITI employed ca. 2000 employees, not counting outside scientists who worked as abstracters part-time. On VINITI, see A. I. Chernyi, Vserossiiskii institut nauchnoi i tekhnicheskoi informatsii: 50 let sluzheniia nauke (Moscow 2005).
- 52.
See Birgit Menzel, “Vasilij V. Nalimov, ein mystischer Anarchist in der sowjetischen Kybernetik,” in Birgit Menzel and Christine Engel, eds., Russland und/als Eurasien. Kulturelle Konfigurationen (Berlin: Frank&Timme, 2018), pp. 283–302. For Nalimov’s account see V.V. Nalimov, Kanatokhodets (Moskva: Progress, 1992). On Mystical Anarchism in Russia see Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, “Theatre As Church: The Vision of the Mystical Anarchists,” Russian History 4, no. 2 (1977): 122–41.
- 53.
On sharashka see Asif Siddiqi, “Scientists and Specialists in the Gulag: Life and Death in Stalin’s Sharashka,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History, vol. 16 no. 3 (2015): 557–588.
- 54.
Nalimov’s first publication from the labor camp was “Issledovanie materialov detalei ekskavatorov,” Kolyma 6–7 (1944): 36–41.
- 55.
G.E. Vladutz, V.V. Nalimov, N.I. Stiazkhin, “Nauchnaia informatsiia kak odna iz zadach kibernetiki,” Uspekhi fizicheskikh nauk 69, no. 1 (1959): 13–56. See also Nalimov, Kanatokhodets.
- 56.
Nalimov’s first book, V.V. Nalimov, Primenenie matematicheckoi statistiki pri analize veshchestva (M.: Fizmatgiz, 1960), earned him a research position at the Institute of Rare Metals in Moscow. The book was translated in English as V.V. Nalimov, The Application of Mathematical Statistics to Chemical Analysis (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1963); a Polish translation was published in 1965. This first book on experimental design was followed by one co-authored by V.V. Nalimov and N.A. Chernova, Statisticheskie metody planirovaniia ekstremal’nykh eksperimentov (M.: Nauka, 1965), published in English as Statistical Methods for Design of Extremal Experiments (Ohio: Foreign Technology Division, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, 1968), followed by the full exposition of Nalimov’s mathematical theory of experiment in V. V. Nalimov, Teoria eksperimenta (M.: Nauka, 1971), which also appeared in French (but published in Germany): V.V. Nalimov, Theorie des experiments (Berlin, 1975). On the basis of Nalimov’s work on experimental design he was awarded a doctoral degree in technical sciences in 1964. His publication record was so impressive that the Attestation Committee, the state agency overseeing the awards of advanced academic degrees in USSR (VAK), ignored the fact that Nalimov hadn’t completed his undergraduate education.
- 57.
“In order to make this task [interdisciplinary information research] plausible to some extent, it [was] suggested to carry out the search for publications by citations only”: V.V. Nalimov, Yu. P. Adler, Yu. V. Granovskii, “Informatsionnaia sistema po matematicheskoi teorii exkperimenta. Chast’ 1. Obshchee opisanie sistemy,” in Kiberenetika i dokumantalistika (M.: Nauka, 1966), pp. 138–49.
- 58.
Sergei Kara-Murza, “Budem skurpulezno podschityvat’ ssylki,” blog Tsentra izucheniia krisisnogo obshchestva (April 2, 2015), http://old.centero.ru/opinions/budem-skrupulezno-podschityvat-ssylki-no-pro-sebya-otvergat-eti-lozhnye-sushchnosti
- 59.
Z.B. Barinova et al., “Izuchenie nauchnykh zhurnalov kak kanalov sviazi. Otsenka vklada otdel’nykh stran v mirovoi nauchnyi informatsionnyi potok,” Nauchno-tekhnicheskaia informatsiia, seriia 2, no. 12 (1967): 3–11.
- 60.
On IIET see Elena Aronova, “The Politics and Contexts of Soviet Science Studies (Naukovedenie): Soviet Philosophy of Science at the Crossroads,” Studies in East European Thought 63, no. 3 (2011): 175–202.
- 61.
Kara-Murza, “Budem skurpulezno podschityvat’ ssylki.”
- 62.
The Polish edition of the book was published in 1971. The book was also translated into English as Measurement of Science: Study of the Development of Science as an Information Process (Translation Division, USAF Systems Command, 1971).
- 63.
On forecasting in the Soviet Union and Eastern bloc see Eglė Rindzevičiūtė, “Toward a Joint Future beyond the Iron Curtain: East–West Politics of Global Modelling”,” 115–43 in The Struggle for the Long Term in Transnational Science and Politics: Forging the Future, ed. Jenny Andersson and Eglė Rindzevičiu¯tė (London and New York: Routledge, 2015), and Vitezlav Sommer, “Forecasting the socialist future: prognostika in late socialist Czechoslovakia,” 144–68 in ibid.
- 64.
In the 1970s, Dobrov travelled widely in Europe and Asia. He was a Soviet representative at UNESCO, and served as a consultant for new independent governments in the “third world.” For instance, Dobrov consulted with the Iraqi government on setting up the Iraqi National Science Foundation. See G. M. Dobrov, Irak: Tseli i sredstva gosudarstvennoy politiki v otnoshenii nauki (Kiev: AN SSSR Institut Kibernetiki, Preprint-72-80, 1972). From 1976 to1978, Dobrov worked at a host of international institutions, including the International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Austria. On IIASA, see Eglė Rindzevičiūte, The Power of Systems: How Policy Sciences Opened Up the Cold War World (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2016).
- 65.
Garfield Papers include extensive correspondence with Nalimov from the late 1960s until Nalimov’s death in 1997.
- 66.
See discussion of Dobrov in Lyubov G. Gurjeva, “Early Soviet Scientometrics and Scientometricians” (master’s thesis, Universiteit van Amsterdam, 1992).
- 67.
In 1968, Braun started the Journal of Radioanalytical Chemistry, followed, in 1969, by the Radiochemical and Radioanalytical Letters. Tibor Braun to Eugene Garfield, December 19, 1975, Garfield Papers.
- 68.
See Stephen J. Bensman and Donald H. Kraft, “Tibor Braun, the Journal Scientometrics, and the International Development of a New Discipline,” in The Multidimentional World of Tibor Braun, ed. by Wolfgang Glänzel, Andras Schubert and Balazs Schlemmer (Leuven: ISSI, 2007), pp. 71–74.
- 69.
Tibor Braun to Eugene Garfield, December 8, 1976, Garfield Papers.
- 70.
Ibid.
- 71.
Eugene Garfield, “From the science of science to Scientometrics: Visualizing the history of science with HistCite software,” Journal of Informetrics 3, no. 3 (2009): 173–9.
- 72.
See, for instance, Ksenia Tatarchenko, “Thinking Algorithmically: From Cold War Computer Science to the Socialist Information Culture,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 2 (2019): 194–225, and Joy Rohde, “Pax Technologica: Computers, International Affairs, and Human Reason in the Cold War,” Isis 108, no. 4 (2017): 792–813.
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Aronova, E. (2021). Scientometrics with and without Computers: The Cold War Transnational Journeys of the Science Citation Index. In: Solovey, M., Dayé, C. (eds) Cold War Social Science. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70246-5_3
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