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The Questionable Role of Experts in Global Governance

Toward a More Democratic Approach

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Democracy and Globalization

Part of the book series: Economic Analysis of Law in European Legal Scholarship ((EALELS,volume 10))

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Abstract

This chapter focuses on the role of experts in creating regulations and policies on the global level. The questions that should be answered are what role do experts actually play, what do they represent, how are they elected, and how accountable are they. The analysis will start by presenting M. Foucault’s and D. Kennedy’s arguments regarding knowledge and the role of experts. It will be argued that experts not only represent ‘knowledge’ but also different intuitions and presumptions. They are subject to various institutional pressures, to interests combined with values and to the politics of daily life. We should be aware of that and to see that the dichotomy of knowledge and politics collapses, that there is no longer pure knowledge that is detached from politics. Unfortunately we are not aware of that, especially when experts use the language that supports the outcome that is desired. In effect, they preserve the private law actors-public law actors dichotomy, because it serves, for example, the interests of multinational corporations, not to expand the scope of their responsibility. In the light of this we can say that changing our understanding of knowledge should also change our understanding of law as separate from politics, as mirroring a reality thanks to those that know best. With this in mind, we can start to look for better ways of holding experts accountable for what they do and to try to ensure transparency in the process of the creation of regulation and policy formation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Kennedy (2008), p. 832.

  2. 2.

    See Benforado and Hanson (2012); Chen and Hanson (2004), pp. 1103–1253.

  3. 3.

    See Collins and Evans (2006), pp. 39–110.

  4. 4.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 5.

  5. 5.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 6.

  6. 6.

    Foucault (1979), p. 28.

  7. 7.

    Foucault (1979), p. 27.

  8. 8.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 10. Even though several multilateral initiatives have been very successful in securing world peace, David Kennedy argues that too often they function through a vocabulary that promotes war.

  9. 9.

    More on that see: Kennedy (2004), p. 112.

  10. 10.

    See, for example, Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co. 569 U.S. 108, 133 S. Ct. 1659; 185 L. Ed. 2d671; 2013 U.S. LEXIS 3159; 81 U.S.L.W. 4241.

  11. 11.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 5.

  12. 12.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 11.

  13. 13.

    See Robbins (1993).

  14. 14.

    Kennedy (2005b), p. 20. More on that see Kennedy (2005a).

  15. 15.

    See Sorrel (2018), pp. 20–36; Silver (2018), pp. 95–116.

  16. 16.

    Kennedy (2005a), p. 1.

  17. 17.

    For more on this issue, see Michelman (1998), pp. 1717–1734; Parker (1994).

  18. 18.

    About the role that unexpressed various legal doctrines play in decisions of arbitrators and judges, see Gaillard (2010), pp. 1–11.

  19. 19.

    See Mansbridge (2008), pp. 251–271.

  20. 20.

    See Bourdieu (1991), pp. 655–669.

  21. 21.

    See Danielsen (2006), pp. 85–99; Ruggie (2004), pp. 10–15.

  22. 22.

    See, for example, Weissbrodt and Kruger (2003), pp. 901–922.

  23. 23.

    See Danielsen (2005), pp. 411–425. See also Roe (2003), pp. 21–28.

  24. 24.

    See Danielsen (2010), pp. 49–68. See also Braithwaite and Drahos (2008).

  25. 25.

    As an example of regulatory approach, see Danielsen (2005), see Kingsbury et al. (2005), pp. 15–61.

  26. 26.

    See Ruggie (2008, 2010).

  27. 27.

    See, for example, Bogs (2001); Hart and Zingales (2017), pp. 247–274.

  28. 28.

    Kasturi et al. (2015), pp. 1–15, https://hbr.org/2015/01/the-truth-about-csr, accessed on November 30, 2020.

  29. 29.

    For example, the future of the Alien Tort Statute in the USA, which allows to hold corporations accountable for their human rights violations, is no longer clear after the court ruling in the Kiobel Case. For more information on the Alien Tort Statue, see Hufbauer and Mitrokostas (2004), pp. 245–262.

  30. 30.

    Danielsen (2006), p. 99.

  31. 31.

    Ibidem. For more information on decentralization and system change see Holtmann and Rademacher (2016), pp. 281–298.

  32. 32.

    Such approach would mirror, to a certain extend, the bottom-up approach presented as a solution to the problems of creation of global administrative law, whose main problem is the lack of transparency, accountability and democratic review. See Kingsbury et al. (2005), p. 55.

  33. 33.

    It is worth mentioning that among the advocates of the disaggregated system today is Anne-Marie Slaughter who argues that we can witness in the future disaggregated sovereignty thanks to establishing cooperation within the networks of experts. She understands that such networks present significant accountability and legitimacy concerns, however she believes that there are means to increase accountability and proposes norms to govern the relations of members of government networks with one another. See: Slaughter (2004), pp. 159–190.

  34. 34.

    On the role of a common vocabulary, see Kennedy (2005a), p. 26, 42. See also Michelman (1989), pp. 256–269.

  35. 35.

    Kingsbury et al. (2005), p. 57.

  36. 36.

    The business judgment rule is a doctrine in corporate law in common law countries that protects corporate executives from legal allegations about the way it conducts business. The business judgment rule protects the business decisions of corporate directors and officers who are sued by shareholders for claims of a breach of the duty of care. In case of lack of evidence that the board has blatantly violated some rule of conduct, the courts will not review or question its decisions. It should be noted however that by doing that the courts are confusing the business judgment rule with the standard of care that governs the conduct of corporate directors and officers. See: Triem (2007), pp. 23–44.

  37. 37.

    Kingsbury et al. (2005), p. 57.

  38. 38.

    See Kingsbury et al. (2005), p. 57, 56.

  39. 39.

    Kennedy (2005a), p. 22.

  40. 40.

    Such a future is envisaged in Hansmann and Kraakman (2004), pp. 33–68.

  41. 41.

    There are many initiatives in particular regions, such as those in Switzerland or Poland, to include people in the decision making process, and there are further propositions as to how to establish an “open” democracy. See Landemore (2020).

  42. 42.

    See, for example, the variety of issues raised, in recent years, by the “Me Too”, Black Lives Matter, and Yellow Vests movements, as well as by the Global Climate Strikes.

  43. 43.

    For more on this issue, see for example Rothstein (2017); Goldstone (2018); Burgess (2018), pp. 342–367.

  44. 44.

    For the importance of culture and the politics of place, see Kennedy (2008), p. 835.

  45. 45.

    Kennedy, The Dark Side of Virtue, 112. For more on how language constrains our ability to think and see problems, see Tolmach Lakoff (1992).

  46. 46.

    For example, we could look at how experts dealt with the problems caused by the financial crisis. For more detail, see Mellor (2010); O’Halloran and Groll (2019).

  47. 47.

    There are number of initiatives in that regard. See: Volker (2012), pp. 99–158.

  48. 48.

    Kennedy (2005a), p. 10.

  49. 49.

    On the end of history, see Fukuyama (2006).

  50. 50.

    See, for example, Dahinden (2013); Ruus (2011), pp. 268–289.

  51. 51.

    On the issue of the possibility of democratization, transparency and legitimacy in international law, see Koskenniemi (2006).

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Kilanowski, M. (2021). The Questionable Role of Experts in Global Governance. In: Sieber-Gasser, C., Ghibellini, A. (eds) Democracy and Globalization. Economic Analysis of Law in European Legal Scholarship, vol 10. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69154-7_11

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