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Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security ((PSMPS))

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Abstract

India has emerged as a significant actor in the Indo-Pacific. India has geostrategic and geo-economic interests in the larger region, and a focused interest in the Indian Ocean region. This chapter examines the emergence of Indo-Pacific as a mental map, and how the concept came to be accepted in India. It reviews the role of Act East policy and “Neighbourhood First” policy as pillars of its larger Indo-Pacific policy. In particular, it looks at India’s relationship with ASEAN, and two of its important strategic partners—Indonesia and Vietnam. In its central analysis, this paper looks at the strategic and economic components of India’s Indo-Pacific policy and how they are being developed to meet emerging strategic challenges in concert with other stakeholders. The upgradation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) signals an advance in the strategic domain whereas the focus on blue economy, Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR), signifies the economic trajectory of India’s Indo-Pacific policy. The chapter concludes on an aspirational note that India and other stakeholders coordinate their efforts to address the new challenges in the Indo-Pacific and frame an effective response.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    ICWA organized a seminar on “Indo-Pacific Region: Political and Strategic Prospects” in March 2013.

  2. 2.

    The JNU website reads: “The Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies (CIPS) is a new Centre created in 2013 keeping in view the profound shifts that are taking place around India and India’s rapidly rising stakes in the Indian Ocean and East Asia. Equally, it is also a reflection of today’s geopolitical realities.”

  3. 3.

    It is quite another matter that at present, India would opt for being a “preferred strategic partner” rather than a “net security provider.”

  4. 4.

    The Commemorative Summit issued the 36 paragraph Delhi Declaration. It captures India’s commitment to work closely with ASEAN to uphold respect for international law, primacy of United Nations Convention on the Laws of the Seas (UNCLOS), freedom of navigation and overflights in the region, peaceful resolution of disputes, and an early conclusion of the Code of Conduct (CoC) in the South China Sea.

  5. 5.

    EAS members include the ten ASEAN countries and their eight dialogue partners (Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, South Korea, and the United States).

  6. 6.

    In a survey conducted among respondents from ASEAN countries (except Singapore) with BRI projects or negotiating them, when asked what were the lessons from past BRI projects like Hambantota port in Sri Lanka and East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) in Malaysia, an overwhelming majority (70%) opined their government should negotiate cautiously to avoid getting into debt with China. See Tang Siew Mun et al. (2019) State of Southeast Asia: 2019 Survey Report, ASEAN Studies Centre at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.

  7. 7.

    For instance in the east to Myanmar, Vietnam, Singapore, Japan, Australia, and Fiji.

  8. 8.

    The Quad was formed in December 2004 in the aftermath of the earthquake and tsunami when the navies of four nations—the United States, Australia, Japan, and India—joined in the humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operation. This was followed by naval exercises, organized by the four countries plus Singapore in the Bay of Bengal, but because of Chinese diplomatic protests, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd pulled Australia out of the exercise and the Quad became inactive over the next ten years; it was revived when the leaders of the four democracies met on the sidelines of the ASEAN–India meeting in Manila in 2017.

  9. 9.

    India and Japan are also finalizing negotiations of an Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) the process began in October 2018.

  10. 10.

    Diplomatically, India could revisit its one China policy and leverage Chinese sensitivities on Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. Economically, India could initiate the process of economic decoupling with China (although that would entail a willingness to bear pain).

  11. 11.

    Some are already questioning the viability of RIC, and predict its early demise.

  12. 12.

    For instance, Cope India 2019 (CI19) the India–US joint air exercise, and Pitch Black air exercises in Australia.

  13. 13.

    India and Singapore Defence Ministers signed the India–Singapore Bilateral Agreement for Navy Cooperation to deepen maritime cooperation. It provides for joint exercises and temporary deployments from each other’s naval facilities and mutual logistics support. India, Singapore sign deal to boost cooperation in maritime security, 30 November 2017, Live Mint https://www.livemint.com/.

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Singh, U.B. (2021). India and the Indo-Pacific. In: Buszynski, L., Hai, D.T. (eds) Maritime Issues and Regional Order in the Indo-Pacific. Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68038-1_13

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