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Gendered Entrepreneurship and Cottage Industry of the Greek-Speaking Communities in the Ottoman Balkans

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Abstract

The issue of female economic potential in commerce and trade of the Greek Orthodox communities in the Balkans remains an under-researched field as the area being a melting pot of different ethnicities made it difficult to form a comprehensive image of women’s financial agency. Economic survival was the reason for trading endeavors being the common characteristic they shared. Viewing it from a feminist standpoint, women were not aware of their abilities in entrepreneurship because gendered ideology was not embedded in their upbringing. Driven by economic necessity, they excelled at cottage industry and other business activities while their financial input in the economy of their family was significant.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Jennings, R.C., (1975), ‘Women in Early Seventeenth Century Ottoman Judicial Records: The Sharia Court of Anatolian Kayseri’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 18, (53–114).

  2. 2.

    Gerber, H., (1980), ‘Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa (1600–1700)’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 12, Cambridge University Press, (231–244).

  3. 3.

    Laiou, S., (2007), ‘Christian Women in an Ottoman World: Interpersonal and Family Cases Brought Before the Sharia Courts During the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Cases Involving the Greek Community), in: A. Buturovic- I. Cemil Schick (eds.), Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History, Library of Ottoman Studies 15, New York.

  4. 4.

    Doxiadis, E., (2007), ‘Standing in their Place: The Exclusion of Women from the Judicial System in the First Decades of the Modern Greek State, 1821–1850’, Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 25:1, John Hopkins University Press, (75–97).

  5. 5.

    Quataert, D., (2002), Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, Cambridge Middle East Library(30), Cambridge University Press.

  6. 6.

    Faroqui, S., (2019), The Ottoman and the Mughal Empires: Social History on the Early Modern World, I.B. Tauris, London, N. York, Oxford.

  7. 7.

    Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2015), ‘On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery’, Zograf 39, (161–176).

  8. 8.

    Svoronos N., (1991), ‘He Synepeies tis Oikonomikis drastiriotitas ton Hellenon tis Balkanikis Xersonisou sto Dekato Ogdoo aiona’ [The Consequences of the economic activities of the Greeks in the Balkan Peninsula during eighteenth century], in: G.B. Dertilis & K. Kostis (eds), Themata Neohellenikis Istorias (eighteenth-twentieth century), Sakkoulas (publishers), Athens, pp. 73–74.

  9. 9.

    Ibid., p. 74.

  10. 10.

    Stoianovich, T., (1960), ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, The Journal of Economic History, (20), (234–313), p. 313.

  11. 11.

    Svoronos, N., ibid. p. 77.

  12. 12.

    Stoianovich, T., ‘The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’, ibid. p. 313.

  13. 13.

    Koliopoulos, J.S.,-Veremis, Th.M., (2002), Greece. The Modern Sequel. From 1831 to the Present, Hurst & Company, London, p. 3.

  14. 14.

    Stoianovich, T., ibid., p. 313.

  15. 15.

    Pamuk, S., (1987), The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913: Trade, investment and production, Cambridge, New York, pp. 12–15.

  16. 16.

    Quataert, D., (2002), Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution, ibid., p. 82.

  17. 17.

    Ianeva, S., (2016), ‘Female actors, Producers and Money Makers in Ottoman Public Space: The case of the Late Ottoman Balkans’, in: E. Boyar & K. Fleet (eds), Ottoman Women in Public Space, Brill, Leiden/Boston, pp. 63–64.

  18. 18.

    Dertilis, G.B., (20053), Historia tou Hellenikou Kratous 1830–1920 [History of the Greek State 1830–1920]. (2 vols), Hestia (publishers), Athens, v. A’, pp. 19–20.

  19. 19.

    Katsiardi-Hering, O., (2005), ‘Metanasteusi kai metafora technikon stin Kentriki Evropi (Mesa 18ou- Arches 19ou aiona): He Ambelakiotiki Syntrofia (1805)’ [Migration and Techniques transferring in central Europe (mid eighteenth to the beginning of nineteenth centuries): The Ambelakiotiki brotherhood], in: M., Stasinopoulou,& Ch.,Chatziioannou, (eds.), Diaspora-Diktya –Diafotismos (Tetradia Ergasias Series 28), (published by ) Kentro Neoellinikon Spoudon, Athens, p. 120.

  20. 20.

    A unit of weight measurement.

  21. 21.

    Murray, J., (1845), A Handbook for Travellers in the Ionian Islands, Greece, Turkey, Asia Minor and Constantinople, vol. 1, London, p. 244.

  22. 22.

    Papantoniou, Z., (1937), ‘Ta Ambelakia’ [Ambelakia], Eleftheron Vima (newspaper), issue of 29 November.

  23. 23.

    Nikolopoulos, E. (1987), Koinonikooikonomikes Domes kai Politikoi Thesmoi stin Tourkokratia. Ta Thessalika Ampelakia (1770–1820) [Social Economic Structures and Political Forms During the Turkish Occupation: Thessalian Ampelakia 1770–1820)], PhD Dissertation, Panteion University, Athens, p. 173.

  24. 24.

    In the Tempi valley of Thessaly, as well as in the district of Ambelakia, it grew an evergreen perennial plant that was called ‘Rubia tinctorum’. It was destined for the dyeing process. In its wild form, the plant was collected by villagers who later cultivated it—possibly—for mass production. In Greek it was called ‘Erythodanon to vafikon’ and it was commonly called ‘Rizari’.

    See more in: Karamane, E., (2005), Ambelakia Thessalias: Historia kai Synetairismos Ambelakion [Ambelakia in Thessaly: The History and Association of Ambelakia], Bachelor’s Degree Thesis, University of Thessaly, Volos, p. 55.

  25. 25.

    Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., p. 173.

  26. 26.

    On dyeing recipes and on a physiochemical study of dyes, see: Mikropoulou, E., (2008), Kodikopoiisi, Synthetiki anaparagogi, Physicochemiki Meleti kai Aksiologisi ton dynatotiton anavioseos Chrostikon kai Methodon vafis pou chrisimipoiithikan stin yfantourgia tou 19ou kai proimou 20ou aiona [Codification, re-creation, physicochemical study and evaluation of dyes and dyeing recipes of nineteenth and early twentieth centuries], PhD Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, pp. 41–55.

  27. 27.

    Gekas, A., (2007), A Global History of Ottoman Cotton Textiles, 1600–1850, p. 13. www.Cadmus-eui-eu.

  28. 28.

    Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., p. 175.

  29. 29.

    Kotsiari, A., (2017), Trikala: He poleodomiki ekseliksi apo to 1880 eos to 1940: Apo tin othomaniki periodo sto Helleniko kratos [Trikala: the city planning evolution from 1880 till 1940: from the Ottoman period to the Greek state], PhD Dissertation, Ethniko Metsoveio Polytechneio (EMP), Athens, p. 48, footnote 189.

  30. 30.

    Female workers were paid according to the quantity they delivered. On details of cotton-processing and spinning, see: Arathymou, S., (2009), Ta Helenika viomechanika Archeia: Katagrafi, elektroniki tekmiriosi,kai aksiopoiisi tous [The Greek Industrial Archives: Registration, Electronic Documentation, Utilization], PhD Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, pp. 182–188.

  31. 31.

    Nikolopoulos, E., ibid., pp. 174–176.

  32. 32.

    Ibid., pp. 175–176, footnote 143.

  33. 33.

    Ibid., p. 174, footnote 137.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., p. 326.

  35. 35.

    Ibid., p. 246.

  36. 36.

    Ibid., p. 352.

  37. 37.

    For example, in Thessaloniki as well as in Smyrna, Adana, and Constantinople, it was observed the concentration of female skill in the above domestic art. At the turn of the nineteenth century, almost every household in Asia Minor had a handloom at home as poverty was the reason for the Ottoman spouses and daughters to spin cotton yarn that they used for domestic use, or for sale. See more in: Quataert, D., (2004), ‘Ottoman Women, Households, and Textile Manufacturing, 1800–1914’, in: A. Hourani et al. (eds), The Modern Middle East: A Reader, I.B. Tauris, London-New York (first published 1993), pp. 260–262.

  38. 38.

    Dendrinou-Karakosta, E., (1989), He laiki kentitiki stin Amorgo (apo ta misa tou 19ou aiona eos tin periodo tou Mesopolemou) [The folk embroidery in Amorgos (from mid-nineteenth century until the Interwar period)], Ph.D. Dissertation, Panteion University of Athens, p. 41.

  39. 39.

    Ibid., pp. 43–44.

  40. 40.

    Lekka, G., (2006), He ekseliksi tou hellenikou yfasmatos-Aigaio: He epirroi tis tecnhnologias yfansis sto sxediasmo(design) yfasmatos [The evolution of Greek textiles-Aegean: Textile technology’s influence on textile design], Ph.D. Dissertation, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, pp. 65 and 68.

  41. 41.

    Because in the following paragraphs I will refer to many ‘kazas’ in different regions, I thought it was better to refer to each of them separately by omitting their forename ‘Kaza’ in the main text for the ease of the reference. As for the vilayets’ names they were the following: The vilayet of Thessaloniki that comprised the following sandzaks: That of Drama encompassing the provinces (kazas) of Drama, Pravio, Sarisaban (today is named Chrysoupoli), Kavala, Thassos: The sandzak of Serres, including the provinces (Kazas) of Ano Tzoumagia, Razlog, Nevrokopi, Petritsi, Demir Isar (today’s name is Siderokastron), and Serres. The sandzak of Thessaloniki encompassed the provinces (kazas) of Stromnitsa, Kafantar, Doerani, Gevgeli, Giannitsa, Avret Isar, Lagkadas, Bodena (today’s Edessa), Veroia, Katerini, Kassandreia, Agio Oros, Thessaloniki. See more in: Vacharoglou, E., (2002), Ta sxoleia tis protovathmias ekpaidefseos ston kaza Thessalonikis kai ston kaza Lagkada (1850–1912) [The schools of primary education in the region of Thessaloniki and the region of Lagadas, 1850–1912], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 5.

  42. 42.

    Athanasiadou, M., (2000), Emporikes scheseis Thessalonikis-Venetias kata ton 18o aiona [Trading relations between Thessaloniki and Venice during eighteenth century], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 12.

  43. 43.

    Shariat-Panahi, S., (2010), Opseis tis koinonias tis Thessalonikis stin evryteri periodo tis Roso-Othomanikis sygkrousis 1768–1774: Me vasi tis Othomanikes piges [Aspects of the society of Thessaloniki in the broader period of the Russian-Ottoman conflict 1768–1774: Based on Ottoman sources], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, vol. A’, p. 314.

  44. 44.

    Quataert, D., (2004), ‘The industrial Working class of Salonica, 1850–1912’, in: A., Levy, (ed), Jews, Turks, Ottomans: A Shared History Through the Twentieth Century, Syracuse University Press, pp. 206–207.

  45. 45.

    Karastergios, A., (2011), ‘Ho Argaleios kai he Yfantiki techni stin Arnaia. To Neo Mouseio Yfantikis’ [The Loom and Weaving in Arnaia. The New Weaving Museum], Panchalkidikos Logos (Periodical of the Panchalkidikos Society in Thessaloniki, ‘ARISTOTELIS’), (issue of January-March), p. 3.

  46. 46.

    Papadimitriou, Ap. (2016), Selides Historias Grevenon [History pages of Grevena], (3 vols)., v. 3, pp. 22–23, https://www.scribd.com (published online: October 13, 2016).

  47. 47.

    Dagkas, A., (1998), Symvoli stin Erevna gia tin oikonomiki kai koinoniki ekseliksi sti Thessaloniki: Oikonomiki domi kai koinonikos katamerismos tis ergasias 1912–1940 [A contribution to the research of the economic and social evolution in Thessaloniki: Economic structure and social labor distribution 1912–1940], users.auth.gr/adagkas/Texts 2 Contribution 1.pdf, (np).

  48. 48.

    Ianeva, S., ‘Female Actors….’, ibid., p. 64.

  49. 49.

    Zygouris, Ph., (2010),’Historika simeiomata peri Siatistis kai laografika aftis’ [Historical notes on Siatista and its folklore characteristics], p. 154, www.siatistanews.gr/Zugouris/olo.pdf.

  50. 50.

    Abatzis was called the abas trader and also the abas tailor. Because it required a special skill for its tailoring, the tailor was sewing it while sitting on his knees. For more details see: Deligiannis, B., (1935–1936), ‘To abatziliki sti Thraki’ [The abas trade in Thrace], Archeion tou Thrakikou laografikou kai glossikou thisavtou (3 vols), Athens, www.adrianou125.blogspot-com/2016/02/1_18html?.m=0 (published online: February 18, 2016).

  51. 51.

    Maha-Bizoumi, N., (2011), Ta Ptychota «foustania» tis Chiou (160s-arches 20ou). Polytypa kai Parallages: Symboli sti Meleti tis Historikotitas ton endymatologikon systimaton tou Aigaiou [The pleated «foustania» of Chios (sixteenth to early twentieth centuries): multiple forms and variations: A contribution to the study of the historicity of the dress systems of the Aegean], Ph.D. Dissertation, Democritus University of Thrace, Komotini, p. 127.

  52. 52.

    Corfu and the Ionian islands were under the dominion of the Angevin Kingdom of Naples (1237–1386) when the ‘violent’ imposition of Catholicism was attempted. Then, the Kingdom of Naples ceded the islands to the Venetian Republic for almost 400 years (1386–1797). The Venetian rule was the longest in the history of Corfu. Then the islands were ceded to the French Republic for two years (1797–1799) followed by the Russian-Turkish occupation when it was formed the Septinsular Republic (1800–1807). The period of the small Greek-speaking independent republic lasted for only seven years, as with the Treaty of Tilsit (1807), the islands were ceded to France again, this time under the Emperor Napoleon (1807–1814). The period under the French Empire was also short-lived. The islands became a British protectorate for fifty years (1814–1864). Eventually, the Ionian Islands were annexed to the Greek Kingdom in 1864. See more in: Thanailaki, P., (2013), Gynaikeies Martyries stis Selides tis Historias: hoi koinonikes prokatalipseis stis Helladikes kai stis Diethneis Koinotites kata to 19o me arches tou 20ou aiona [Women’s Testimonies on History pages: Social prejudices in the Greek and in the International Communities during nineteenth to early twentieth centuries], Papazissis (publishers), Athens, pp. 141–142, footnote 1.

  53. 53.

    Maha-Bizoumi, N., (n.d.), ‘Morfes Organosis tou chorou kai tis ergasias. Technognosia, Technikes’ [Forms of Organization of space and work. Theknowhotechniques] https://eclass.duth.gr/modules/document/file.php/ΚΟΜΟ03230/2.2.7-8Morfes_organosis_B.pdf, p. 4.

  54. 54.

    See more in: www.kepaam.gr/index.php?option=com_content&viwe...id.

  55. 55.

    Literally, ‘gold-thread hands’.

  56. 56.

    On the exhibition of trousseau and its symbolism, see: Thanailaki, P., (2018), Gender Inequalities in Rural European Communities During 19th and Early 20th century: A Historical Perspective, Springer, pp. 56–57.

  57. 57.

    Athanasopoulou. E., (2004), Erotikos Logos kai paganismos stin Papadiamantiki ergografia: He ermineutiki tou gynaikeiou protypou [Erotikos Logos and paganism in the works of Papadiamantis: The interpretation of the female type], Master Thesis, Rand Africaans University, Johanessburg, p. 43, footnote 82.

  58. 58.

    https://www2.gwu.edu/~textile/fsg/teachers/otmn_embrdry-firmset.html.

  59. 59.

    See more on the matter in the following studies of: Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2015), ‘On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan school of Embroidery’, Zograf 39, (161–176): Prepis, A., (2005), ‘Architecture et art dans les Balkans pendant la periode Ottomaine’, Cahiers Pierre Belon 12, (85–128).

  60. 60.

    Faroqui, S., (2019), The Ottoman and the Mughal Empires, ibid., p. 242.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., p. 242.

  62. 62.

    Xyggopoulos, A., (1953) Evgenias Vei-Chatzidaki, Mouseion Benaki, Ecclesaistika kentimata, Athens, (Book review), p. 347, https://media.ems.gr/ekdoseis/elinika_13_2 ekd_peel_13_2_bookreviews.pdf.

  63. 63.

    Gurdus, L., (1969), ‘The newly discovered Epitaphios designed by Christopher Zefarovic’, Bulletin of The Needle and Bobbin Club, v. 52, (1&2), (3–26), p. 13.

  64. 64.

    Pazaras, N.,& Doulgkeri, E., (2008), ‘Kentitos Epitafios tis Kokkonas tou Ioannou sti Thessaloniki’ [An Embroidered «Epitaphios» of the Constantinopolitan Artisan «Kokkona tou Ioannou» at Thessaloniki], Makedonika 37, (89–104), https://doi.org/10.12681/makedonika.48.

  65. 65.

    The Epitaphios is a sacred veil used on Good Friday in the Greek Orthodox ritual. It is a ritual vestment that has acquired a funeral symbolism. See: LIFOTEAM, (2019), ‘Kentitoi epitaphioi tou 18ou kai 19ou aiona sto Mouseio Argyrotechnias sta Ioannina’ [Embroidered Epitaphs of eighteenth and nineteenth centuries exhibited at the Silversmithing Museum at Ioannina], www.lifo.gr (uploaded on 26/04/2019).

  66. 66.

    Pazaras, N., & Doulgkeri, E., (2008), ibid., p. 98.

  67. 67.

    Ibid., p. 90.

  68. 68.

    Ibid., p. 92.

  69. 69.

    Varvounis, M.,& Maha-Bizoumi, N., (2014), ‘Synecheies kai Asynecheies stin helleniki paradosi ton ieratikon amfion (19os–20os aionas)’ [Continuities and discontinuities in the Greek tradition of the ecclesiastical vestments (nineteenth-twentieth centuries)], in: K.A., Dimadis, (ed), Proceedings of the 5th European Congress of Modern Greek Studies, Thessaloniki, 2–5 October, p. 4.

  70. 70.

    www.elpenor.org/athos/gr/g218ck01.asp.

  71. 71.

    See more in: Vokotopoulos, P.L., (1966), ‘Meseonika Aitoloakarnanias-Evrytanias:To skevofylakion tis Monis Proussou. (A.Zografiki, B. Metallotechnia & Xylotechnia, C. Iera Amphia, (pin. 273–288)’ [The Medieval art of Aitoloakarnania-Evrytania: The sacristy of Proussos Monastery. (A. Painting, B. Metalworking & Woodcuts, C. Ecclesiastical Vestments (Tables 273–288)], Archaiologikon Deltion: Chronika (21), (265–283), p. 275.

  72. 72.

    Varvounis, M., & Maha-Bizoumi, N., (2014), ‘Synecheies kai Asynecheies stin helleniki paradosi ton ieratikon amfion (19os–20os aionas)’, ibid.

  73. 73.

    Theochari, M., (1965), ‘Chrysokentita Amfia tis Monis Taksiarchon Aigialeias’ [Gold-Embroidered Vestments of Taksiarches Aigialeias Monastery], pp. 12–13. www.ir.lib.uth.gr.

  74. 74.

    Karydis, Ch., (2011), ‘The Gold Embroidered Epitaphios of Kokkona of Rologa displayed at the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople’, Conference Paper presented at the 22nd International Congress Byzantium without Borders, 22–27 August, Sofia.

  75. 75.

    More on the matter, see: Myrtsioti, G., (2015), ‘Anektimitoi thesavroi sta cheria idioton’ [Priceless treasures in private hands], www.kathimerini.gr (published online: June 7, 2015).

  76. 76.

    The ecclesiastical ‘sakkos’ was primarily a dress worn by the emperors. After the fall of Constantinople the Orthodox bishops used to wear it. It symbolizes the red gown that Jesus Christ’s torturers put on Him in order to crucify Him.

  77. 77.

    Chatziantoniou, K., (2006), ‘Katanoontas tous Epitaphious tis Orthodoxis Ekklisias: Analysi kai katigoriopoiisi ton ylikon kai technikon enos Metavyzantinou Epitaphiou tis Kokkonas tou Rologa (Contantinoupoli, 1829?) me skopon tin epistimonikos orthi syntirisi tou’ [Understanding the Epitaphioi of the Orthodox Church: Analysis and categorization of the materials and techniques used in a Post-Byzantine Epitaphios by Kokkona of Rologas, with the aim to its scientifically-correct preservation], Enimerotiko Deltio, hoi filoi tou Mouseiou Benaki, v. A’, p. 15, www.filoibenaki.gr.

  78. 78.

    According to Korre-Zografou, K., the first Orthodox artisans started signing their crafts in the sixteenth century, and in the following centuries this practice became more usual. See: Korre-Zografou, K., (n.d.), ‘To atomo mesa apo tis ergocheires kentites ypografes ton Metavyzantinon kai Neohellenikon chronon’ [The Individual Through the Hand-made Embroidered and Woven Signatures of the Post-byzantine and Modern Greek Period], p. 40, www.eclass.teiion.gr.

  79. 79.

    The inscription mentioned that the tapestry had been ordered for the purpose of decorating the monastery of Hypapante, also including a long list of donors’ names.

  80. 80.

    Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (2010),‘Chrysokentito petasma Oraias Pylis tis Kokkonas tou Rologa tou Vyzantinou kai Christianikou Mouseiou (no. 21055)’ [Gold-Embroidered Sanctuary Door Hanging by Kokkona of Rologas exhibited in the Byzantine and Christian Museum (no. 21055)] in: The Minutes of the 2nd Epistimoniko Symposio Neohellenikis kai Ekklesiastikis Technis (Vyzantino kai Christianiko Mouseio), November 26–27, p. 2. (uploaded in: https://www.academia.edu/10456259.

  81. 81.

    Ibid., p. 7.

  82. 82.

    Sakelionos, N.G.,& Philippidou S.N., (1928), Historia tou en Teno Ierou Naou kai Idrymatos tis Evvagelistrias proskynimatos ton apantachou Orthodokson apo evreseos tis thavmatourgou eikonos mechri simeron [History of the Holy Church and Foundation of Tenos Pilgrimage of all Christians since the discovery of the miracle-making icon until today], Hermoupolis Syros, pp. 158–159, quoted in: Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., (n.d.), ‘Church embroidery in Constantinople during the nineteenth century. Putting a veil by Kokkona of Rologa in Contest’ (An article of a pre-publication from the catalogue raisonné in preparation), (543–551), uploaded in www.academia.edu.

  83. 83.

    Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., ‘Church embroidery…’, ibid., p. 548.

  84. 84.

    Ibid., 548.

  85. 85.

    The epitaphs were crafted with precious fabrics such as satin, velvet, or silk. For their decoration the embroiderers used gold-plated threads, sequins, semiprecious stones, pearls, silver gilt, and wires. See: www.lifo.gr, ibid.

  86. 86.

    Offering gold-thread embroidered robes to temples and monasteries gave prestige to the donors. www.lifo.gr, ibid.

  87. 87.

    Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, ibid., p. 549.

  88. 88.

    Chatzopoulos, V., (2015), ‘Kentimata apo tin Poli sto Byzantino Mouseio Athinon’ [Embroideries from Constantinople-An exhibition of the Byzantine Museum of Athens], www.pontos-news.gr (published online: December 12, 2015).

  89. 89.

    www.kykkos.org.cy.

  90. 90.

    However, we do not know whether she managed her own workshop, or she worked for somebody else. www.Elpenor.org/athos/gr/g218ck01.asp.

  91. 91.

    The secular gentry of the Phanariots lived in the area of Phanari in Constantinople. It was a neighborhood where well-off Greek Orthodox people resided and enjoyed economic power within the Ottoman Empire.

  92. 92.

    Tricoupi, S., (2012), He meter mas Aikaterini Tricoupi, to genos Nikolaou Mavrokordatou (1800–1871) [Our mother Aikaterini Tricoupi, née Mavrokordatou (1800–1871)], (published by) Vivliothiki tis Voulis ton Hellenon, Athens, pp. 9–10.

  93. 93.

    Papastavrou, E., & Filiou, D., ‘Church embroidery in Constantinople…’, ibid., p. 550.

  94. 94.

    During the last centuries of the Byzantine Empire, women were very active in business largely contributing to the economy of the Empire, either working on their own, or they were employed in workshops. See more in: Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou, M., (2001–2003), ‘He symmetochi tis gynaikas stin oikonomia tou ysterou Mesaiona. (He periptosi tis Servidas klostrias)’ [Women’s participation in economy during the post-Medieval period. (The case of the Serbian needle worker)], Eoa & Hesperia 5, (147–177).

  95. 95.

    The making up and the narration of folktales was common practice in the workrooms of craftswomen who span and wove yarns. See more in: Constas, N., (2003), ‘The Purple thread and the veil of flesh: Symbols of weaving in the sermons of Proclus’, in: Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity, Brill, vol. 66 (351–358), p. 350.

  96. 96.

    Papatheodorou, I., (2005), Laografika kai Historika stoicheia tis Neas Kiou Argolidos [Folklore and Historical elements from Nea Kios of Argolida] Graduate Paper, University of Thessaly, Trikala, p. 36.

  97. 97.

    Korre-Zografou, K., ‘To atomo mesa apo tis ergocheires kentites ypografes…’, ibid., pp. 42.

  98. 98.

    Korre-Zografou notes that though the embroiderers signed their creations with modesty, we cannot rule out the fact that their main purpose was to put their stamp in order to make known their existence in the field, and gain ‘immortality’. Ibid., 43.

  99. 99.

    Ibid., pp. 40–41.

  100. 100.

    Ibid., p. 40.

  101. 101.

    Xyggopoulos, A., ibid., p. 347.

  102. 102.

    Wace, A.J.B., (1914), Catalogue of a Collection of Old Embroideries of the Greek Islands and Turkey, Burlington Fine Arts Club, http://library.si.edu/digital-library/book/catalogueofcolle01burl, p. 14.

  103. 103.

    Hauser, W., (1943), ‘Greek Island Embroideries’, The Metropolitan Museum of Modern Art Bulletin, metmuseum.org, p. 258.

  104. 104.

    Wace, A.J.B., ibid., p. 15.

  105. 105.

    Welters, L., (2010), Embroidery on Greek Women’s Chemises in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Introduction), Lightning Source, New York.

  106. 106.

    Attica is a prefecture of Greece that includes Athens which is the capital city of the country.

  107. 107.

    Gasouka, M., & Arvanitidou, Z., (2011), ‘Me Ochema tis arvanitikes paradosiakes endymasies tis Attikis: Yliki drastiriotita, «taksikes» diaireseis kai emfyles scheseis’ [Using as a vehicle the traditional ‘Arvanitika’ costumes of Attica: Material activity, ‘class’ divisions and gendered relationships], 10th Symposio Historias-Laographias Attikis (20–23 October), p. 144, https://eleftherovima.files.wordpress.com/2011/pdf (published online: September 29, 2014).

  108. 108.

    Ibid., p. 146.

  109. 109.

    In the art of the chemises, the young girls were equally skilled, compared to the professional embroiderers. During the adolescent period the girls remained indoors. In line with the ethical code, they embroidered their trousseau competing among them, often to the detriment of their health. Ibid. p. 146.

  110. 110.

    Ibid., p. 144.

  111. 111.

    Demetriou, S., (2005), Ta oporofora tis Athinas, aphegema [The fruit trees in Athens: A narrative], Patakis (publishers), Athens.

  112. 112.

    Gaitanou-Gianniou, A., (1928–1931), ‘He Ellenida os epicheirimatias kai os viomichaniki Ergatria [The Greek woman as entrepreneur and as factory worker], Hellenis, Miniaion Periodikon tou Ethnikou Symvouliou ton Hellenidon Gynaikon, Athens, p. 33.

  113. 113.

    The Cedarville Herald, (1921), March 4, p. 2, FTJS NO-digitalcommons.cedarville.edu.

  114. 114.

    Alevras, G., (2017), Ho Kozanitis emporos Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896): Hoi oikonomikes drastiriotites tou tin period 1840–1855 symfona me anekdota eggrafa apo to Archeio Takiatzi [The merchant from Kozani named Konstantinos D. Takiatzis (1812–1896): His economic activities during the period 1840–1855 based on unpublished documents drawn from Takiatzis Archives], (published by) Hetereia Dytikomakedonikon Meleton, Kozani, p. 107.

  115. 115.

    Ibid., p. 121.

  116. 116.

    Ibid., pp. 123–24.

  117. 117.

    Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 78.

  118. 118.

    Liolios, G., (2013), Ekklisia kai Dikaio stin Tourkokratoumeni Hellada kata ton Gustav Geib [Church and Law in Turkish-occupied Greece according to Gustav Geib], Master Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, p. 49.

  119. 119.

    Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 78.

  120. 120.

    Tourtoglou, M., (1980–81), ‘He Nomologia ton kritirion tis Mykonou (17os–19os ai.)’ [Law and Criteria in Myconos (seventeenth-nineteenth centuries)], Epetiris tou Kentrou Erevnon tis Historias tou Hellenikou Dikaiou, vols. 27–28, (3–18), pp. 4–5. www.repository.academyofathers.gr/document/125702.

  121. 121.

    One type out of three was the permanent marriage between two Muslims, the other was the conditional marriage (known as ‘kibin’ or ‘kipinion’), and the third type was the state of cohabitation between a female slave and a Muslim man that was considered as a legitimate ‘concubinage’.

  122. 122.

    Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio…, ibid., pp. 55–56.

  123. 123.

    Ibid., p. 56.

  124. 124.

    Ibid., p. 57.

  125. 125.

    Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio, ibid., pp. 61–62.

  126. 126.

    Vrettou-Souli, M., (2006), He thesi tis gynaikas stin paradosiaki koinonia ton Kykladon (190s–20os aionas). Systemata syggeneias-koinonikooikonomikes sxeseis [The social position of women in the traditional society of the islands of Cyclades (nineteenth to twentieth centuries). Kinship, social and financial conditions], Ph.D. Dissertation, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, p. 356.

  127. 127.

    According to Gustav Geib, the main legal system was based on the Byzantine-Roman law. Parallel to this system there was a form of customary law that differed from place to place, targeting at covering cases that the Armenopoulos law compilation did not include. This customary law was mainly applicable to the Greek islands where the inhabitants had been granted with privileges by the Ottoman administration thus being in a more advantageous position compared to the Turks of the region. Another reason for the general Greek prevalence in the islands was the fact that the Greeks had been well-organized in communities. The above factors became the main components that contributed to the expansion of commerce. This gave the Greek islanders the privilege of traveling and thus gaining knowledge and experience. The latter two characteristics formed the base for the application of the existing customary law. As a result, many significant local habits had been recorded though not appearing in print. In some areas the customary law dealt with specific issues though its provisions did not negate the written law. See more in: Liolios, G., ibid., pp. 46–47.

  128. 128.

    Liolios, G., ibid., p. 83.

  129. 129.

    Vrettou-Souli, M., (2006), He thesi tis gynaikas…, ibid., p. 357.

  130. 130.

    Liolios, G., Ekklisia kai Dikaio, ibid, p. 83.

  131. 131.

    Ibid., p. 84.

  132. 132.

    Doxiadis, E., ibid., p. 92 (footnote 5).

  133. 133.

    Doxiadis, E., (2016), ‘Women and Law in Nineteenth Century Greece: The Impact of the Modern State’, in: Eva Schandevyl (ed), Women in Law and Lawmaking in Nineteenth and Twentieth-Century Europe, Routledge London and New York, pp. 156–157.

  134. 134.

    Vrettou-Souli, M., He thesi tis gynaikas, ibid., p. 353.

  135. 135.

    Ibid., p. 351.

  136. 136.

    Chatzidakis, I., (1994), He Istoria tis nisou Milou [The History of Milos island], (published by) Enosis Milion, Athens, p. 344.

  137. 137.

    Ibid., p. 346.

  138. 138.

    A kind of currency [European silver regalis]. Many of the silver or gold coins that were used in the Orient and were cut in Europe, were fake. See more on the matter: Liata, E., (1996), Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta: He kykloforia ton nomismaton ston Helleniko choro [‘Floria Dekatessera stenoun grosia saranta’: The circulation of the coins in the Greek lands], (published by) The Center for Hellenic Research, Athens, pp. 220–222.

  139. 139.

    Tourtoglou, M., ibid., p. 7.

  140. 140.

    Doxiadis, E., (2007), ibid., pp. 80 and 92 (footnote 4).

  141. 141.

    Danova, N. (ed), (2004), Archeio tou Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Helleniki allilografia, Anagnosi, metafrasi sta voulgarika, scholia kai eisagogi Nadia Danova [The Archive of Konstantin Georgiev Fotinov, Correspondence in Greek, Compilation, Translation in the Bulgarian language, Comments and Introduction by Nadia Danova], v. A’, Guttenberg (publishers), Sofia: Letter No. 5, (July 10, 1834. Samokov. From Archelaa to Kostantin Fotinov, Smyrna), p. 54.

  142. 142.

    However, she did not know whether Konstantin had taken care of building another fence wall round the well in the garden. Because of the fact that she wanted it built, she requested him to attend to the matter and to take the initiative to have it constructed acting on her behalf. Ibid., Letter No. 103, (January 30, 1842. Syros. From Eleni Kyriakou to Kostantin Fotinov, Smyrna), pp. 227–228.

  143. 143.

    Ibid., Letter No. 103.

  144. 144.

    Ibid., Letter No. 406, (October 30, 1825. Smyrna. From Panayotis Iovanoglou to Ioannis Demetriades, Thessaloniki).

  145. 145.

    Diafa-Kampouridou, V., (2006), Mnisteia kai gamilies paroches sti Nomologia ton Dikastirion tis Ieras Mitropoleos Servion kai Kozanis (18os–20os ai.) [Engagement and marriage allowances in the case of Ecclesiastical courts of the Holy Metropolis of Servia and Kozani (eighteenth–twentieth century)], Ph.D. Dissertation, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, (2 vols.), vol. A’, p. 288.

  146. 146.

    Diafa-Kampouridou V.,…ibid., p. 301.

  147. 147.

    Ibid., p. 303.

  148. 148.

    Kodix Episkopis 1875–1889 [Episcopal Codex 1875–1889], ‘Charistirion’, 17.01.1886 (leaf 238), as quoted in: Diafa-Kampouridou V., ibid., Vol. B’, p. 329.

  149. 149.

    Ibid., p. 329.

  150. 150.

    Ibid., p. 264.

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Thanailaki, P. (2021). Gendered Entrepreneurship and Cottage Industry of the Greek-Speaking Communities in the Ottoman Balkans. In: Gendered Stereotypes and Female Entrepreneurship in Southern Europe, 1700-1900. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66234-9_4

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