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Stranded Encyclopedic Medical Dictionaries in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Spain

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Stranded Encyclopedias, 1700–2000

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Abstract

In the last years of the eighteenth century and in the nineteenth century an extraordinary boom of lexicographical works dealing with medicine took place in Europe, particularly in France, and to a lesser extent in Germany and the UK. This lexicographical fever spread to other European countries such as Spain, where, together with the local publications, translations of medical dictionaries, mostly from French (and to a lesser extent from German) were to be found. However, not all the planned works, whether originally written or translated, found their way to becoming printed material. Causes were varied: together with the (most obvious) economic one, many others were to blame, among them cultural, social, or religious factors. In this chapter, Bertha Gutiérrez-Rodilla and Carmen Quijada-Diez focus on those causes, taking four different cases as examples: Francisco Suárez de Ribera’s Diccionario médico and Joaquín de Villalba’s Diccionario de Higiene y Economía rural veterinaria, both compiled by Spaniards in the eighteenth century; and two other encyclopedic medical dictionaries translated into Spanish in the nineteenth century—one from French and the other from German. For various reasons, all four of these works were somehow stranded in their editorial processes.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The global history of medical lexicography has not been written yet, although there are several partial contributions of unequal value, such as Reinhard R. K. Hartmann, The History of Lexicography (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1986); Barbara von Gemmingen and Manfred Höfler, La lexicographie française du XVIIIè au XXè siècle (Paris: Klicksieck, 1988); Béatrice Didier, Alphabet et raison: Le paradoxe des dictionnaires au XVIIIè siècle (Paris: PUF, 1996); Jean-Charles Sournia, “Des dictionnaires médicaux,” in Langage medical français, ed. Jean-Charles Sournia (Paris: Privat, 1997), 117–125; Sarah Ogilvie and Gabriella Safran, eds., The Whole World in a Book: Dictionaries in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019). The imbalance between works dedicated to general lexicography and specialized lexicography is considerable, the latter being almost non-existent. In the case of French medical lexicography, however, there has been a big effort to piece together a history, mainly thanks to the works of Bernard Quemada: Introduction à l´étude du vocabularie médical (16001710) (Besançon: Annales littéraires de l’Université de BE 2, no. 5, 1955); Les dictionnaires du français moderne, 15391863 (Paris: Didier, 1968); “Du glossaire au dictionnaire: deux aspects de l’élaboration des énoncés lexicographiques dans les grands répertoires du XVIIè siècle,” Cahiers de lexicologie 20, no. 1 (1972), 97–128. For the case of English medical dictionaries, see Roderick McConchie, Discovery in Haste: English Medical Dictionaries and Lexicographers 1547 to 1796 (Berlin and Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2019).

  2. 2.

    In this study, the criteria qualifying a specialized dictionary as “modern” are: it is written in a language other than Latin, it has more or less elaborated definitions (not just equivalent words), and it contains original texts, i.e. it is not only composed of extracts from other previous texts, but it is mainly composed of texts originally written by its author(s). Getting to the bottom of the concepts of intertextuality, imitation, and inspiration in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century lexicography goes beyond the scope of this work, but, as will be shown in the next pages, translation played a major role not only in the dissemination of the first medical encyclopedic dictionaries, but in the very inspiration and thus creation of domestic lexicographical projects. On the issue of identifying sources and acknowledging “borrowed” texts, see in extenso Linn Holmberg, “The Forgotten Encyclopedia: The Maurists’ Dictionary of Arts, Crafts, and Sciences, the Unrealized Rival of the Encyclopédie of Diderot and d’Alembert” (PhD diss., Umeå University, 2014), 179–182.

  3. 3.

    Some say this was not the first one, but rather J. Guyot’s dictionary, published in Brussels in 1733. See Quemada, Introduction à l´étude du vocabularie médical, 36. As McConchie points out, James did compile his dictionary himself, but also used the method of stitching together the work of others, “sometimes in translation and sometimes epitomized or reworked,” and he considers this method a typical one of the eighteenth-century encyclopedists and lexicographers. See McConchie, Discovery in Haste, 143. As we will argue below, there was in Spain too a remarkable precedent to James’ work, Francisco Suárez de Ribera’s dictionary.

  4. 4.

    In-depth explanations of this phenomenon and the case in Spain can be found in Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, La constitución de la lexicografía médica moderna en España (La Coruña: Toxo-Soutos, 1999), 34–35.

  5. 5.

    See Roderick McConchie, “The Lost History of Medical Lexicography,” Helsinki Society for Historical Lexicography (2014), accessed 11 October 2019, https://blogs.helsinki.fi/hellex-society/the-lost-history-of-medical-lexicography/).

  6. 6.

    The case of Manuel Martínez is dealt with by Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “Cuando las instituciones no apoyan las iniciativas de los científicos: el caso de la Real Academia de Medicina y algunas propuestas lexicográficas,” Quaderns de Filologia: Estudis lingüístics 17 (2012): 163–164.

  7. 7.

    Quemada, “Du glossaire au dictionnaire,” 97–128; Sournia, “Des dictionnaires médicaux,” 120–121; Werner Hüllen, “The paradigm of John Wilkins’ Thesaurus,” in The History of Lexicography, ed. Reinhard R. K. Hartmann (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1986), 115–125; Tom McArthur, “Thematic Lexicography,” in The History of Lexicography, ed. Hartmann, 157–166.

  8. 8.

    Richard Yeo, Encyclopedic Visions: Scientific Dictionaries and Enlightenment Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); John Considine, “Our Dictionaries Err in Redundancy,” in Symposium on Lexicography XI. Proceedings of the Eleventh International Symposium on Lexicography May 24, 2002 at the University of Copenhagen, ed. Henrik Gottlieb, Jens Erik Mogensen and Arne Zettersten (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2005), 195–205; Jeff Loveland, The European Encyclopedia: From 1650 to the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019); Ogilvie and Safran, ed., The Whole World in a Book.

  9. 9.

    McConchie, Discovery in Haste, 4.

  10. 10.

    Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “Cuando querer no es poder: las dificultades para introducir en España los diccionarios médicos franceses del siglo XIX,” Cuadernos de Filología Francesa 22 (2011), 114–115.

  11. 11.

    The situation of Spanish medical encyclopedism at that time is set forth in Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “La obra lexicográfica de Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza: sus diccionarios enciclopédicos de medicina,” Asclepio: Revista de historia de la medicina y de la ciencia 64, no. 2 (2012): 470.

  12. 12.

    On how modern scientific and medical discoveries entered Spain, see, for instance, José María López Piñero, La introducción de la ciencia moderna en España (Barcelona: Ariel, 1969); Elvira Arquiola and José Martínez Pérez, Ciencia en expansión: estudios sobre la difusión de las ideas científicas y médicas en España (s. XVIIIXX) (Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 1995).

  13. 13.

    On the issue of disseminating medical research see Carmen Quijada-Diez, “Dissemination of Academic Medical Research Through Translation,” in Routledge Handbook of Translation and Health, ed. Şebnem Susam-Saraeva and Eva Spišiaková (Oxford: Taylor & Francis/Routledge, forthcoming 2020).

  14. 14.

    Francisco Suárez de Ribera, Clave médico-chirurgica universal y diccionario médico, 3 vols. (Madrid: Viuda de Francisco del Hierro, 1730–1731). We have used for this study the copy available at the Spanish National Library (Biblioteca Nacional de España). It remains unknown what success, if any, this work had, but we assume it must have been a modest one, given the scarce number of copies of this work in university and research libraries.

  15. 15.

    Regarding this author’s surname, it must be noted that he is often referred to as Suárez de Rivera (instead of Ribera). However, in most of today’s critical literature on his figure, he is cited as Suárez de Ribera, which is also the way he called himself. That is therefore the way we will be referring to him, Ribera, while respecting the bibliographical references in which he appears as Rivera.

  16. 16.

    For previous research on Suárez de Ribera and his work, see Luis Sánchez Granjel, Francisco Suárez de Rivera, médico salmantino del siglo XVIII (Salamanca: Seminario de Historia de la Medicina Española, 1967), especially pages 19ff; José María López Piñero, Diccionario histórico de la ciencia moderna en España. vol. 2 (Barcelona: Península, 1983), 340ff.

  17. 17.

    Laguna’s version of Dioscorides’ Materia medica was published as Pedacio Dioscorides Anazarbeo, acerca de la materia medicinal, y de los venenos mortíferos, traduzido de lengua Griega, en la vulgar Castellana, e illustrado con claras y substanciales annotationes, y con las figuras de innumeras plantas exquisitas y raras (Antwerp: Casa de Iuan Latio, 1555).

  18. 18.

    Manuel Hernández Morejón, Historia bibliográfica de la medicina española (Madrid: Viuda de Jordán e hijos, 1842–1852), 407–408. Our translation from Spanish.

  19. 19.

    His behavior regarding the equivalents he presents is rather inconsistent: in the first volume, he barely presents words in other languages; he does so in the second volume (not systematically in all the languages, but increasingly in many of them) and then almost all the words in the third volume appear with multilinguistic equivalents. See Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “Lo que pudo haber sido y no fue: Francisco Suárez de Rivera y la lexicografía médica moderna,” in Actes del colloqui “La historia dels llenguatges iberoromanics d’especialitat (segles XVIIXIX)” (Barcelona: Institut Universitari de Lingüística Aplicada, 1998), 311–314.

  20. 20.

    We have to bear in mind that seventeenth-century Spain was still strongly divided between nobles and peasants, that the currency was devalued somewhat frequently, that many workers did not receive their salaries and that taxes were not always paid. Demographic and economic growth took place in the last years of the century and would not be noticed until well into the eighteenth century. See John Lynch, Bourbon Spain 17001808 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989).

  21. 21.

    The novator or novatores movement refers to the time period in Spain between the last part of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth. It is also referred to as the Spanish pre-Enlightenment.

  22. 22.

    See Alvar Martínez Vidal and José Pardo Tomás, “Un siglo de controversias: la medicina española de los novatores a la Ilustración,” in La Ilustración y las ciencias: para una historia de la objetividad, ed. Josep Lluis Barona Villar, Javier Moscoso and Juan Pimentel (Valencia: Universitat de València, 2003), 108.

  23. 23.

    Biblioteca Nacional de España, Ms. 13455, Joaquín De Villalba, Diccionario de Higiene y Economía rural veterinaria. The remaining volumes should be archived in the Royal Academy of Medicine Archives in Madrid (Real Academia de Medicina de Madrid), given that Villalba had sent them there in order to get the necessary approval to publish his work. However, despite having carried out a thorough search, it has been impossible to trace them.

  24. 24.

    Jean-Baptiste François Rozier, Cours complet d’agriculture, théorique, pratique, économique et de médecine rurale et vétérinaire ou Dictionnarie universal d’agriculture, 10 vols. (Paris: Hôtel Serpente, 1781–1800). Two additional volumes were published in Paris in 1805.

  25. 25.

    Villalba’s life is examined in Antonio Carreras Panchón, Joaquín de Villalba (17521907) y los orígenes de la historiografía médica española (Málaga: Universidad de Málaga, 1984).

  26. 26.

    On the presence of medical dictionaries in nineteenth-century Spanish private and public libraries, see Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, Diccionarios de medicina del siglo XIX en bibliotecas públicas y privadas de España (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, forthcoming 2021).

  27. 27.

    Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “Cuando las instituciones no apoyan las iniciativas de los científicos,” 164. See also Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina, leg. 21, doc. 1213.

  28. 28.

    The comments on Villalba’s work can be found in the Archivo de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina, leg. 21, docs. 1222, 1233, 1237, 1239, 1244, 1245.

  29. 29.

    See for example Luis Sánchez Granjel, “Villalba. Hernández Morejón. Chinchilla,” Medicina e Historia 72 (1977): IV–VI; Carreras Panchón, Joaquín de Villalba, 72–76; Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “Cuando las instituciones no apoyan las iniciativas de los científicos,” 164–170.

  30. 30.

    See Carreras Panchón, Joaquín de Villalba, 156–172.

  31. 31.

    William Buchan, Domestic Medicine or the Family Physician (Edinburgh: Balfour & Smellie, 1769); Charles E. Rosenberg, “Medical Text and Social Context: Explaining William Buchan’s ‘Domestic Medicine’,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57, no. 1 (1982): 22–42. On its repercussions in Spain, see Enrique Perdiguero Gil, Los tratados de medicina doméstica en la España de la Ilustración (Alicante: Secretariado de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Alicante, 1990).

  32. 32.

    This and other translation-related aspects of medical dictionaries are covered in detail in Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla and Carmen Quijada-Diez, “La adaptación del contenido en los diccionarios médicos traducidos y publicados en España en el siglo XIX,” in Translatio y Cultura, ed. Pedro Aullón de Haro and Alfonso Silván (Madrid: Dykinson, 2015), especially p. 202.

  33. 33.

    Albert Eulenburg, Real-Encyclopädie der gesamten Heilkunde: Medizinisch-chirurgisches Handwörterbuch für praktische Ärzte (Wien and Leipzig: Urban & Schwarzenberg, 1880–1883).

  34. 34.

    Albert Eulenburg, Diccionario enciclopédico de medicina y cirugía prácticas, escrito en alemán bajo la dirección del Dr. A. Eulenburg; traducido directamente y arreglado para uso de los médicos españoles por el Dr. D. Isidoro de Miguel y Viguri, 13 vols. (Madrid: Agustín Jubera, 1885–1891).

  35. 35.

    Diccionario de ciencias médicas, por una sociedad de los más célebres profesores de Europa, traducido al castellano por varios facultativos de esta corte, 39 vols. (Madrid: 1821–1827). The copy we have studied, in quite good condition, can be found in the Spanish National Library (Biblioteca Nacional de España). Given its widespread availability in university and research libraries in Spain, it must have enjoyed considerable success.

  36. 36.

    N. F. Adelon, J. Béclart, P. H. Bédart et al., Diccionario de medicina y cirugía, ó Repertorio general de ciencias médicas consideradas bajo sus aspectos teórico-prácticos… traducida al castellano por D. Manuel Álvarez Chamorro, D. José María Velasco y D. Juan Sierra y Gato, 8 vols. (Madrid: D. S. Compagni, 1851–1855).

  37. 37.

    This behavior is set out and explained in Gutiérrez-Rodilla and Quijada-Diez, “La adaptación del contenido en los diccionarios,” 203.

  38. 38.

    Gutiérrez-Rodilla, La constitución de la lexicografía, 45–46.

  39. 39.

    Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza, Tratado histórico y fisiológico completo sobre la generación: Traducción hecha de los tres artículos Generación, Hombre y Mujer del Diccionario francés de Ciencias Médicas (Madrid: Antonio Martínez, 1821).

  40. 40.

    Hurtado’s project is explained in Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “La obra lexicográfica de Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza,” 480.

  41. 41.

    Antonio Ballano had published between 1805 and 1807 in seven volumes the Diccionario de medicina y cirugía de Antonio Ballano (“Antonio Ballano’s Medicine and Surgery Dictionary”). Given the acceptance that this compendium had had, Ballano himself promised to produce a supplement that would update its content and began to work on it, but illness and ultimately death prevented him from fulfilling his promise. Faced with this situation, another doctor from Madrid, Tomás García Suelto, took on the commitment, but death also prevented him from carrying it out, so it was finally Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza who took charge of the famous supplement, to which he dedicated seven years of his life, as he himself revealed at the end of the work. However, the four volumes that make up the Diccionario de medicina y cirugía prepared by Hurtado de Mendoza and published between 1820 and 1823 are in fact an independent repertoire and very different from the one he supposedly supplemented, as anyone who has compared them can easily deduce. See Gutiérrez Rodilla, “La obra lexicográfica de Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza,” 473–475. See also Consuelo Miqueo, “Enciclopedismo médico: cambio y progreso en el Diccionario de medicina y cirugía de Antonio Ballano (1805–1823),” in Los viajes de la razón: estudios dieciochistas en homenaje a María Dolores Albiac Blanco, ed. María Dolores Gimeno Puyol and Ernesto Viamonte Lucientes (Zaragoza: Institución Fernando el Católico, 2015), 183–208.

  42. 42.

    These reviews are critically analyzed in Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “La obra lexicográfica de Manuel Hurtado de Mendoza,” 480–482.

  43. 43.

    See also Consuelo Miqueo, “La introducción y difusión del brusismo en España,” in Ciencia en expansión. Estudios sobre la difusión de las ideas científicas y médicas en España (s. XVIIIXX), coord. Elvira Arquiola and José Martínez Pérez (Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 1995), 173.

  44. 44.

    This is an aspect that is covered in depth in Gutiérrez-Rodilla, Diccionarios de medicina (forthcoming 2021).

  45. 45.

    Hugo von Ziemssen, Handbuch der speciellen Pathologie und Therapie, 17 vols. (Leipzig: Vogel, 1874–1885).

  46. 46.

    Hugo von Ziemssen, Tratado enciclopédico de patología médica y terapéutica traducido al español por el Dr. Francisco Vallina, 22 vols. (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1887–1901). This work is available in several Spanish university libraries, as well as the Spanish National Library. One can therefore deduce that it was a useful tool for both practicing physicians and researchers. See also Carmen Quijada-Diez, “La recepción de la ciencia en la España decimonónica a través de la traducción,” in La traducción y la interpretación en contextos especializados (II): un enfoque multidisciplinar para la transmisión del conocimiento científico, ed. J. M. Castellano and A. Ruiz (Granada: Comares, 2018), 131–133.

  47. 47.

    The correspondence of volumes and possible hypothesis explaining discrepancies are set out in Carmen Quijada-Diez and Bertha M. Gutiérrez-Rodilla, “La traducción al español de diccionarios médicos alemanes en el siglo XIX,” Revista de Lexicografía 23 (2017): 193–195.

  48. 48.

    Hugo von Ziemssen, Cyclopaedia of the Practice of Medicine: Vol. X. Diseases of the Female Sexual Organs (New York: William Wood and Company, 1875).

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Acknowledgements

This research has been financed by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation, and Universities (Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, PGC2018-094266-B-100 Project, entitled “Programación de un Tesoro Lexicográfico Médico en Lengua Española”), a grant from the University of Salamanca (“Ayuda a Grupos de Investigación” del Plan Estratégico de Investigación y Transferencia de Conocimiento de la Universidad de Salamanca, 2017–2018), and a grant from the University of Oviedo (“Ayuda del Plan Propio de Apoyo y Promoción de la Investigación 2018”).

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Gutiérrez-Rodilla, B., Quijada-Diez, C. (2021). Stranded Encyclopedic Medical Dictionaries in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Spain. In: Holmberg, L., Simonsen, M. (eds) Stranded Encyclopedias, 1700–2000. New Directions in Book History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-64300-3_6

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