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Chapter 5: Memory as a Marker of Political Affiliation

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The Memory of Colonialism in Britain and France

Part of the book series: Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies ((CIPCSS))

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Abstract

On 16 April 2007, just a week before the first round of the Presidential elections, the candidate of the conservative UMP, Nicolas Sarkozy, went on a political pilgrimage to the tomb of Charles de Gaulle in Colombey-les-deux-Eglises. For a candidate who had always had a problematic relationship with Gaullism, and just six years previously had mocked the French right’s obsession with the memory of de Gaulle as a ‘caricature’, this pre-electoral visit seemed like an attempt to unite the UMP through acceptance of the party’s symbolic traditions. However, the speech Sarkozy gave at the general’s grave went beyond the opening tributes to de Gaulle as the man who ‘incarnated the passion of France’. It focused far more on the candidate’s new defining concept of fighting ‘systematic repentance’ of the left and instilling pride in France’s history, which he reiterated almost word for word three days later in Marseille’s Parc Chanot in front of a group of rapatriés, who were eager to hear the candidate’s support of their historical narrative of Gaullist betrayal. Here, the new Sarkozyst narrative of fighting against ‘repentance’ demonstrated a key development after 2005, in which high politics in France adopted the vocabulary of ‘memory wars’ and the debates about the memory of colonialism to define political identities of parties. Despite the theatrics of visiting de Gaulle’s grave, Sarkozy’s constant railing against a so-called repentance of the left aligned with the adoption of a pied-noir narrative of colonial nostalgia and therefore a repudiation of the UMP’s Gaullist record. This chapter will examine the transformation of the political conversation around political memory since 2005 to turn the remembrance of the colonial past into a marker of political identities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Sarkozy, Nicolas, Libre (Paris: Robert Laffont, 2001), p. 181.

  2. 2.

    See Lequen, Stephen, ‘Nicolas Sarkozy et le gaullisme’, in: French Politics, Culture and Society, vol. 28, no. 1 (Spring 2010), pp. 92–105.

  3. 3.

    See Le Monde, 17 April 2007.

  4. 4.

    See L’Humanité, 21 April 2007.

  5. 5.

    For Frêche’s comments about how ‘in Montpellier, it’s them [the rapatriés], who decide on politics’, see Le Monde, 1 December 2005. Otherwise for an analysis of changing pied-noir allegiances, see Eldridge, 2016.

  6. 6.

    See, for example, Le Monde, 12 March 2007 for commentary on Chirac as the devoir de mémoire president, but also Bruckner, Pascal, La Tyrannie de la pénitence: Essai sur le masochisme occidental (Paris: Grasset, 2006), p. 182.

  7. 7.

    See Chabal, 2015.

  8. 8.

    JORF, Assemblée nationale, séance du 11 June 2004; accessible online at: http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/12/cra/2003-2004/254.asp (last accessed 10 July 2019).

  9. 9.

    See JORF, Compte rendu integral, Sénat, 16 December 2004. Accessible online at: http://senat.fr/seances/s200412/s20041216/s20041216001.html#SOM2 (last accessed on 1 October 2019).

  10. 10.

    Ibid.

  11. 11.

    Ibid.

  12. 12.

    Le Monde, 29 June 2005.

  13. 13.

    See comments in Le Monde, 3 July 2005 and additional quotes in Le Nouvel Observateur, 24 August 2005, where the spokesperson for Quai d’Orsay, Jean-Baptiste Mattéi, tried to depoliticise ‘these questions’ as the responsibility of researchers.

  14. 14.

    Le Figaro, 29 June 2005.

  15. 15.

    See Jacques Julliard’s editorial in Le Nouvel Observateur, no. 2122, 7 July 2005 and Stora’s commentary in L’Humanité, 6 July 2005.

  16. 16.

    See Le Parisien, 26 October 2005.

  17. 17.

    See, for example, Alain-Gérard Slama’s piece, Impasse de la République, Le Figaro, 9 November 2005 and Blandine Kriegel’s Crise des banlieues: La défaite de la République? Le Figaro, 23 November 2005.

  18. 18.

    See Le Nouvel Observateur, no. 2139, 3 November 2005.

  19. 19.

    Le Figaro littéraire, 3 November 2005.

  20. 20.

    JORF, Assemblée nationale, compte rendu officiel du 1ère séance du 29.11.2005; accessible online: http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/12/cra/2005-2006/081.asp#P37_399 (last accessed 10 October 2015).

  21. 21.

    Ibid.

  22. 22.

    Ibid.

  23. 23.

    Ibid.

  24. 24.

    Le Figaro, 9 December 2005.

  25. 25.

    Le Monde, 13 December 2005.

  26. 26.

    Le Nouvel Observateur, 2 February 2006. See also Libération and Le Figaro from 16 January 2005 commenting on a protest event uniting figures from different ends of the left-wing spectrum such as Alain Kirvine, Dominique Strauss Kahn, François Hollande and Arlette Laguillier.

  27. 27.

    Le Monde, 6 December 2005. See also Le Figaro, 6 December 2005 and Libération, 6 December 2005.

  28. 28.

    See Le Monde, 11–12 December, 2005 and Le Figaro, 10–11 December 2005.

  29. 29.

    Le Monde, 13 December 2005.

  30. 30.

    Here, see Le Figaro’s editorial on ‘this affair that has taken on excessive proportions’: Le Figaro, 9 December 2005.

  31. 31.

    See Le Nouvel Observateur, 2 February 2006.

  32. 32.

    Le Monde, 5 January 2006.

  33. 33.

    On the emergence of the New Philosophers, see Chabal, Emile, A Divided Republic: Nation, State and Citizenship in Contemporary France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), pp. 135–157.

  34. 34.

    See Bracher, Nathan, ‘Bruckner and the Politics of Memory: Repentance and Resistance in Contemporary France’, in: South Central Review, vol. 24, no. 2, Summer 2007, pp. 54–70 on the alignment of the discourse of repentance with Sarkozyst politics through the analysis of Gaullist politics of ‘grandeur’.

  35. 35.

    See Bruckner, Pascal, Le palais des claques (Paris: Seuil, 1986). See also Bruckner’s appearance on the programme ‘Apostrophes’ in 1986, in which he lambasted the left’s ‘shame of being Western’: Antenne 2, Apostrophes, ‘Ils avaient vingt ans en mai 68’, 23 May 1986.

  36. 36.

    Bruckner, Pascal, Le sanglot de l’homme blanc: Tiers-Monde, culpabilité, haine de soi (Paris: Seuil, 1983).

  37. 37.

    See Chabal, 2015, p. 45.

  38. 38.

    Bruckner, Pascal, La Tyrannie de la pénitence: Essai sur le masochisme occidental (Paris: Grasset, 2006).

  39. 39.

    Lefeuvre, Daniel, Pour en finir avec la repentance coloniale (Paris: Flammarion, 2006).

  40. 40.

    Bruckner, 2006, p. 12.

  41. 41.

    See Lefeuvre, Daniel, Chère Algérie: La France et sa colonie (1930–1962) (Paris: Flammarion, 1997).

  42. 42.

    See also an interview with Lefeuvre in Le Figaro, 29 September 2006.

  43. 43.

    See also Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch’s reply to Lefeuvre on the blog of the CVUH, Vidrovitch, Catherine, Je récuse absolument le terme de repentance, 27 April 2007, accessible online at: http://etudescoloniales.canalblog.com/archives/2007/04/27/4215559.html (last accessed 27 November 2019). Coquery-Vidrovitch’s criticism of Lefeuvre turned into a debate between the two scholars over the pages of the Internet. For Lefeuvre’s reply, see http://etudescoloniales.canalblog.com/archives/2007/05/18/5013704.html (last accessed 27 November 2019), and for Coquery-Veidrovitch’s final reply, see http://cvuh.blogspot.com/2007/06/sur-la-reponse-de-daniel-lefeuvre-par.html (last accessed 27 November 2019).

  44. 44.

    Bruckner, 2006, p. 152.

  45. 45.

    Ibid., p. 27.

  46. 46.

    Ibid.

  47. 47.

    Ibid., p. 47.

  48. 48.

    Ibid., p. 92.

  49. 49.

    Ibid., p. 113.

  50. 50.

    Ibid., p. 156.

  51. 51.

    Ibid., p. 171.

  52. 52.

    Ibid., p. 182.

  53. 53.

    Ibid., p. 58.

  54. 54.

    See, for example, Gallo’s admiring biography of Napoleon, Gallo, Max, Napoléon, 4 volumes (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1997).

  55. 55.

    Gallo, Max, Fier d’être français (Paris: Fayard, 2006).

  56. 56.

    Ibid., p. 116.

  57. 57.

    See Le Monde, 10 May 2006 and Libération, 10 May 2006.

  58. 58.

    France 3, Cultures et dépendances, 21 June 2006.

  59. 59.

    See Le Monde, 22 June 2006.

  60. 60.

    See, for example, Le Parisien, 12 January 2007, in which Gallo lamented the ‘diabolisation’ of Sarkozy.

  61. 61.

    Le Monde, 15.01.2007, Le Nouvel Observateur, 15 January 2007.

  62. 62.

    Le Figaro, 31 July 2007.

  63. 63.

    See, for example, Le Parisien, 8 February 2007 with a rally in Toulon focusing on lambasting ‘the proponents of repentance’ and AFP, 6 March 2007, with a speech on how ‘the French do not want repentance’.

  64. 64.

    La Croix, 6 February 2007 and Le Figaro, 6 February 2007.

  65. 65.

    Europe 1/TV5, Le grand rendez-vous, 25 March 2007. Here Sarkozy refers to Albert Camus, the author who was born in Algeria and became a symbol of both French resistance to Nazism and affiliation to the left’s humanist values. However, while he criticised the transgressions and excesses of colonial rule, he never supported Algerian independence (he died in a car crash during the Algerian War of Independence and was therefore never confronted with the realities of Algerian independence) and as such later became a more problematic, or less clear-cut, symbol. See, for example, Carroll, David, Albert Camus the Algerian: Colonialism, Terrorism, Justice (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2007).

  66. 66.

    Gallo, Max, L’âme de la France: Une histoire de la nation des origines à nos jours (Paris: Fayard, 2007). See also Bracher, 2007, pp. 54–5.

  67. 67.

    See, for example, an interview with Alain Finkielkraut and Max Gallo in Le Figaro littéraire, 14 March 2007.

  68. 68.

    Idem; see also Le Figaro, 27 April 2007.

  69. 69.

    See Le Monde, 6 May 2007 and Libération, 6 May 2007.

  70. 70.

    See, for example, Libération, 10 May 2007, Myriam Cottias in La Croix, 10 May 2007, a special editorial in L’Humanité, 10 May 2007, a special dossier in Le Figaro, 10 May 2007 and an interview with the mayor of Paris, Betrand Delanoë, in L’Express, 10 May 2007.

  71. 71.

    L’Humanité, 11 May 2007.

  72. 72.

    Sud Ouest, 11 May 2007.

  73. 73.

    Libération, 13 August 2007.

  74. 74.

    Much has been written in particular about Sarkozy’s visit to Dakar and the paternalistic speech that characterised colonialism as a ‘mistake’, yet claimed that ‘the African man had not entered history’ (see Le Monde, 27 July 2007). The speech incited a chain of international condemnations, but also a debate in France that continued along the same lines of the debate during the electoral campaign. On the speech, see Mbem, André Julien, Nicolas Sarkozy à Dakar: Débats et enjeux d’un discours (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2008).

  75. 75.

    France 2, Débat entre les deux tours, 2 May 2012.

  76. 76.

    On the public controversies around the introduction of the same-sex marriage bill, see Fassin, Eric, ‘Same-Sex Marriage, Nation, and Race: French Political Logics and Rhetorics’, in: Contemporary French Civilisation, vol. 39, no. 3, 2014, pp. 281–302, Perreau, Bruno, Queer Theory: The French Response (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016), and Robcis, Camille, ‘Liberté, Égalité, Hétérosexualité: Race and Reproduction in the French Gay Marriage Debates’, in: Constellations, vol. 22, no. 3, September 2015, pp. 447–61.

  77. 77.

    See also his introduction by the Senate’s President, Jean-Pierre Bel.

  78. 78.

    See RFI, 10 May 2012.

  79. 79.

    The debate was relaunched through a report by the Socialist député Alain Néri, who recommended sending the Jospin law to a second reading in the Senate (see Sénat, Rapport n° 60 déposé le 17 octobre 2012, accessible online at: https://www.senat.fr/rap/l12-060/l12-0601.pdf (last accessed 19.02.2020). See also Dalisson, Rémi, La Guerre d’Algérie: L’impossible commémoration (Paris: Armand Colin, 2018), pp. 193–217.

  80. 80.

    Hollande’s visit to Dakar on the way to the 14th Francophonie Conference in Kinshasa was not only set to contrast with Sarkozy’s Dakar visit in 2007 but was also commented on as ‘Dakar II’. Hollande’s focus on Africa as the future in his speech became the focal point of comparisons to Sarkozy, sometimes even as a ‘remedy’ in the words of the Senegalese politician Mamadou Lamine Diallo. See Libération, 12 October 2012 and Le Parisien, 12 October 2012.

  81. 81.

    See Libération, 17 October 2012 and Le Monde, 18 October 2012.

  82. 82.

    See the appeal at https://blogs.mediapart.fr/edition/17-octobre-1961/article/121011/appel-pour-la-reconnaissance-officielle-de-la-tragedie-d (last accessed 10 January 2020).

  83. 83.

    JORF, Sénat, Proposition de resolution no. 311, 30 January 2012 (also accessible online at: http://www.senat.fr/leg/ppr11-311.html, last accessed 10 January 2020).

  84. 84.

    Ibid.

  85. 85.

    Ibid. Intervention by Robert Hue (CRC).

  86. 86.

    Ibid. Intervention by David Assouline (SOC).

  87. 87.

    See Interview of author with Serge Drouot, Paris, 27 June 2018, on the FNACA’s work with the new government and impressions regarding readiness to reopen the bill.

  88. 88.

    See, for example, the intervention of Kader Arif, Deputy Minister of Defence and the person in charge of veteran policy, JORF, Sénat, Compte rendu sur la proposition de loi n° 188 [2001–2002], texte de la commission n° 61, rapport n° 60, 25 October 2012. Accessible online at: http://www.senat.fr/seances/s201210/s20121025/s20121025006.html#Niv1_SOM5 (last accessed 10 January 2020).

  89. 89.

    Ibid., intervention Alain Néri.

  90. 90.

    Ibid., intervention Guy Fischer.

  91. 91.

    Ibid., intervention Robert Tropéano.

  92. 92.

    Ibid., Intervention Marcel-Pierre Cléach.

  93. 93.

    Ibid., Intervention Jean-Claude Carle.

  94. 94.

    Déclaration de M. Francois Hollande sur les rélations franco-algériennes à Alger, 20 December 2012, accessible online at: http://discours.vie-publique.fr/notices/127002438.html (last accessed 25 December 2019).

  95. 95.

    See, for example, the Socialist deputy Razzy Hammdai about ‘a true historical milestone’ in Le Parisien, 21 December 2012.

  96. 96.

    Twitter, Gaetan Gorce (@GGorce), 20 December 2012.

  97. 97.

    Le Figaro, 21 December 2012.

  98. 98.

    See, for example, Pecastaing, Camille, ‘The Politics of Apology: Hollande and Algeria’, in: World Affairs, vol. 175, no. 6 (March/April 2013), pp. 51–6.

  99. 99.

    Interview IL with Louis-Georges Tin, 10 June 2014.

  100. 100.

    See Le Monde, 10 May 2013.

  101. 101.

    Éric Zemmour began his career as a political journalist, reporting for Le Figaro and established with a column in Le Figaro Magazine after 2009. He made a reputation for himself as a contrarian on several political TV shows in the mid-2000s. In 2014, he published the bestselling essay ‘Le Suicide Français’, in which he railed against the ‘feminisation and hallalisation’ of society and began appearing on media platforms as the go-to anti-progressive person. Zemmour’s interventions became the most visible embrace of the anti-progressive vocabulary of ‘no repentance’ in French media, which combined historical revisionism (both on colonial history and the Vichy period) with attacks on anything identified with progressive politics. See Zemmour, Éric, Le suicide Français (Paris: Albin Michel, 2014), but see also, for example, the special dossier in Libération, 2 January 2015, on the dangers of Zemmour’s rise.

  102. 102.

    See, for example, Valeurs actuelles, ‘Hors-série no. 14: La vraie histoire des colonies’, March 2018 and Valeurs actuelles, ‘Hors-série no. 21: Algérie française, Les vérités interdites’, October 2019.

  103. 103.

    See, for example, Le Monde, 15 February 2017.

  104. 104.

    See, for example, L’Express, 16 February 2017.

  105. 105.

    See Stora in Libération, 16 February 2017.

  106. 106.

    See Le Figaro, 17 February 2017

  107. 107.

    See Le Monde, 10 September 2018, Libération, 13 September 2018, Le Figaro, 13 September 2018.

  108. 108.

    Sarr, Felwine and Savoy, Bénédicte, Rapport sur la restitution du patrimoine culturel africain. Vers une nouvelle éthique relationnelle, November 2018, online at: http://restitutionreport2018.com/ (last accessed 20 February 2020).

  109. 109.

    See, for example, the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam’s decision to initiate a process of restitution: ‘Rijksmuseum laments Dutch failure to return stolen colonial art’, in: Guardian online, 13 March 2019: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/mar/13/rijksmuseum-laments-dutch-failure-to-return-stolen-colonial-art (accessed 20 April 2020).

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Lotem, I. (2021). Chapter 5: Memory as a Marker of Political Affiliation. In: The Memory of Colonialism in Britain and France. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63719-4_6

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