Abstract
In this interpretive chapter, the sites destroyed by IS are put into the context of the historical and architectural development of the city. A reconsideration of Mosul’s urban development from its foundation as a garrison city (misr) in 641 to the fifteenth century AD is based on a critical revision of the available historical-topographic data and a general model of early Islamic urbanism. In the second part of the chapter, some joint formal and spatial features of Mosul’s medieval building production are discussed, together with the question of architectural patronage and meaning, which shows a remarkable dynamic between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries AD.
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Notes
- 1.
The first report on the city’s position in relation to the river relates to the construction of the al-Makshuf Canal by the city’s governor al-Hurr ibn Yusuf in the early second/eighth century, according to which the impetus for the construction was the great distance from the town to the river (see infra). From the data collected by al-Diwahji (al-Diwahji 2015, 45–50), and from the historical plans of the city, it follows that from the Atabeg to the early Ottoman period (sixth/twelfth–eleventh/seventeenth century) the river flowed in close proximity to the eastern fortified side of the city, except for the southern section around the al-Mujahidi Mosque, where it turned to the east (Niebuhr 1778, II, Tab. XLVI). In the nineteenth century, it was the opposite: in the northern part of the city, between ʽAyn al-Kabrit (Sulphur Spring) and the Qara Saray palace, the stream was relatively far from the fortifications; in the southern part, on the other hand, it was close to the al-Mujahidi Mosque. During the second half of the twentieth century, the situation reversed again: in the northern part the Tigris today reaches the foot of the cliff, forming an active cut bank, while between al-Mujahidi Mosque and the river bank a 200 m-wide point bar has sedimented.
- 2.
An unpublished photograph of E. Herzfeld from 1907, the anonymous photograph from 1909 (Anonym 1909, 116), and the Hakki’s plan of the city from 1323/1904–1905.
- 3.
This consideration is conditioned by the assumption that the building was founded on the surface of the terrain. The increase, of course, was not subject to any rules and did not take place evenly; it can only be assumed that the terrain grew more dynamically in the vicinity of shrines and worshipped graves, where most burials took place.
- 4.
This is evidenced by the description of the flood from 762–763 in the Chronicle of Zuqnin (Harrak 1999, 205).
- 5.
- 6.
“Al-Hisnan” is a reference to two fortress es: the western one (in Mosul) and the eastern one (in Nineveh), denoting the broader area of Mosul, sprawling on both sides of the Tigris. During the conquest, the eastern fortress was conquered by force, whereas the western one voluntarily surrendered and the jizya (per capita tax) was imposed on its residents (al-Baladhuri 1987, 463–4).
- 7.
The principal source, devoted specifically to the description of the arrangement of the city’s tribal quarters, was composed by al-Azdi. Unfortunately, the manuscript has been lost (Robinson 2000, 73).
- 8.
- 9.
Revised sources and archaeological data, nevertheless, indicate that the tight connection between the congregational mosque and the dar al-imara at Kufa was not a result of the initial phase of settlement but of later development during the Marwanid period (Santi 2018).
- 10.
See al-Baladhuri (1987, 464–5) when describing the site after the removal of the first governor ʽUtba ibn Farqad.
- 11.
The toponym of Hesna ʽEbraye was, nevertheless, used long after the founding of Mosul in the Christian sources, but its meaning gradually changed and blurred. In the first half of the third/ninth century, it referred to the Christian quarter, located in close proximity to Islamic Mosul, according to topographical indications in its northern neighborhood near the Tigris, probably in the vicinity of the Church of Mar Ishoʽyab (Thomas of Marga 1893, II, 337, 461, 469). In the thirteenth century, the location of the Monastery of Mar Mikhaʼil (6 km north of the city) was described as being “in Hesna ʽEbraye” (Robinson 2000, 70, Note 58), which, in our opinion, indicates a loss of awareness of the original location of the toponym. Alternatively, it could be an archaic designation for Christian Mosul in general.
- 12.
See, however, Note 9.
- 13.
This church has been plausibly identified with the Ancient Syriac al-Tahira Church in the al-Qalʽa Neighborhood (biʽa al-ʽatiqa; Fiey op. cit.), 235 m SSE of the Minaret al-Maksura. The present-day church is a modern construction.
- 14.
The gate shared its name with Bab Sinjar of the late ʽUqaylid and Atabeg fortification, which stood until 1915. However, Bab Sinjar by al-Azdi, who wrote in the first half of the fourth/tenth century, was mentioned in the context of events that happened in 129/746–747, that is, in the period when the outer fortification by no means yet existed. The toponym thus might denominate a gate facing toward Sinjar, that is, on the western side of the fortified core of the early misr .
- 15.
Tell al-ʽIbada Mosque still stands 180 m north of the Imam al-Bahir Shrine on the southern foot of a small tell.
- 16.
- 17.
Robinson (2000, 77) maintains that it was “under the Marwanids that the Kufan pattern was broken and the garrison transformed into a city.”
- 18.
This idea is based on Ibn Hawqal’s statement that Arabs used to have khitat in Mosul (Ibn Hawqal 1992, 195), which seems to have been a historic reminiscence rather than a description of the present state.
- 19.
Even though we have to count on the exaggeration of the chronicler, the considerable depth stated suggests the combination of an open canal with subterranean tunneled work (a qanat, karez).
- 20.
The historical overhead imagery available to us does not enable us to verify potential traces of the canal on the western outskirts of the city, since the earliest aerial photographs taken in the 1940s (see Sect. 2.1.5) already captured a heavily disrupted and built-up landscape.
- 21.
- 22.
However, this generally shared idea is contradicted by the historical reference to two city gates in this allegedly “unfortified” period: Bab al-Qassabin in the southeastern part of the city, perhaps leading to the river (mentioned by al-Azdi within the year 189/804–805, and 420/1029–1030), and Bab al-Jassasa in the western part of the city (mentioned in 430/1038–1039), undoubtedly at the end of the eponymous street attested to by al-Maqdisi (al-Diwahji 1947, 127–8; Patton 1982, 45; al-Maqdisi 1877, 138). Due to the fact that we do not know the position or function of these gates, this contradiction cannot currently be resolved.
- 23.
The discussion so far has leaned toward either semicircular or the long rectangular shape of taylasan (Le Strange 1905, 106; Sarre and Herzfeld 1920, 209; Rousset 1996, 34; Whitcomb 1994, 162; Wheatley 2001, 377), coming from the actual shape of a head cloth, which is not the case. Abu al-Fidaʼ corroborates the scientific use of the term as a trapezoid with his annotated drawing of the shape of sea bays (Abu al-Fidaʼ 1840, 19).
- 24.
The reconstruction of the ʽUqaylid city wall course can be reliably used as a base for the reconstruction of the extent of settlement in the previous period, because the city by no means expanded in the ʽUqaylid period (see infra).
- 25.
The third/ninth century dating of flat mihrabs and tombstones, secondarily set in mosques in the southern part of the city (the al-ʽUmariya, al-Juwayjati and Shams al-Din Mosques; see Sarre and Herzfeld 1920, 283–6; al-Jumʽa 2012), seems not to be entirely plausible (see also Tabbaa 2001, 17). Rather, the lobed decoration of the flat mihrab appears to represent one typological group with the Atabeg mihrab from the Imam ʽAbd al-Rahman Shrine. Their presence in late mosques cannot serve as evidence of the settlement in the early Islamic period.
- 26.
The isolated monastery Dayr al-Aʽla, founded by Gabriel of Kashkar in the first third of the eighth century (d. 121/739), was situated, in our opinion, further north, directly above the spring (Sachau 1919, 13; see map of Mosul by Felix Jones, 1855). We don’t find plausible the tradition that identified the Chaldean al-Tahira Church as the successor of Dayr al-Aʽla (Rücker 1932; see also Fiey 1959, 130). After the building of the citadel, the monastery did not figure in any topographic identifications concerning the northern suburb, which supports the conviction that it was actually extra muros from that time.
- 27.
The spot is located by al-Diwahji (1982, 179) in the area along today’s Nineveh Street between the river bank and the intersection with al-Shaʽʽarin Street, in approximately the same place as the Umayyad Palace of al-Manqusha. Herzfeld’s idea that al-Murabbaʽa was identical with the fortified islet of Ij Qalʽa (Sarre and Herzfeld 1920, 215) is not convincing, being founded only on the relatively old dating of the al-Qalʽa Mosque minaret (the sixth/twelfth century). Ij Qalʽa itself is only of the Ottoman date.
- 28.
It is an inner security corridor between the wall and the city.
- 29.
E. Herzfeld estimated the area of medieval city to 291,6 ha (Sarre and Herzfeld 1920, 204).
- 30.
We can rarely locate isolated cases of foundation projects in other areas of the city: the Mosque of al-Mulla ʽAbd al-Hamid in the southern Shahr Suq area, or the al-Wazir Mosque in the southeastern commercial suburb.
- 31.
Mashhad al-Tirh (the Shrine of the “Miscarried Foetus”), better known as Panja ʽAli (Kaff ʽAli; Suyufi 1956, 148–9, Note 2 by al-Diwahji), was described by Meri (2002, 184, Note 255) and similarly by Mulder (2019, 107, Note 31) as the place where Muhassin, the third son of Fatima and ʽAli, was miscarried. Although this association cannot be supported by any known historical source, the deduction is reasonable. Muhassin should not be confused with Imam Muhsin (ʽAbd al-Muhsin), who is associated with a different shrine (see Sect. 2.2.2.7).
- 32.
According to Abu al-Fidaʼ (d. 1331), the citadel and a third of the walls were in ruins at the beginning of the eighth/fourteenth century (Abu al-Fidaʼ 1840, 285). However, Zakariya al-Qazwini (d. 1283) mentions the citadel among the important objects of the city and does not report any damage (al-Qazwini 1848, 309).
- 33.
Hamd Allah Mustawfi (d. 1349) maintained that most of the structures that had been built by Badr al-Din Luʼluʼ were in ruins (Le Strange 1919, 102), which was not the case, according to our analysis, for all shrines built by him.
- 34.
The slab was discovered in 1952 in a private house on the southern slope of Tell Hammam al-Zawiya, the suspected location of the Ilkhanid dar al-imara , and was stored in Mosul Museum (al-Diwahji 1954, 107).
- 35.
The Mosque and tomb of Qadib al-Ban was originally a Sufi lodge—the only such structure in our sample. The available documentation from the period before the demolition of the complex in 1957 includes no details about possible medieval remnants of the Sufi house.
- 36.
The medieval origin of the Madrasa al-Badriya, a three-winged complex with an over-elevated iwan on the transverse axis and a central courtyard, remains a hypothesis (see Sect. 2.2.2.1).
- 37.
This popular element, dated to the late sixth/twelfth or the first half of the seventh/thirteenth century, was found in many Islamic and Christian structures in Mosul; in the case of Islamic buildings, however, always in a secondary context (the Shaykh Fathi Shrine reconstructed either in 1131/1718–1719 or in 1258/1842–1843, the al-Nuri Mosque in 1281–1286/1864–1870, the Imam Yahya Shrine entrance portico (built after 1887), the Zayd ibn ʽAli Shrine, the Umm al-Tisʽa Shrine, the Imam Muhsin Shrine and Madrasa al-Nuriya, etc.). Already Y. Tabbaa (2002, 346) speculated—and the wide distribution of reutilized columns within a relatively short time span seems to corroborate this—that a large Christian ruin might have been one source of these architectural elements.
- 38.
The difference is obvious when one compares Badr al-Din’s buildings with the austere medieval nucleus of the Tomb of Nabi Jirjis. Provided this core is not a completely new building from the eighth/fourteenth century but reflects the original spatial concept of the prophet’s cenotaph from the end of the sixth/twelfth century, we see that Badr al-Din’s realizations represented a qualitatively completely different level of shrine architecture.
- 39.
The absence of knowledge about the ceiling and roofing, as well as the very fragmentary preservation of the interior decoration, must, however, be taken into consideration.
- 40.
The Mausoleum of Mar Behnam constructed in AD 1300 represents the closest regional parallel to the Shaykh al-Shatt Mosque (Snelders 2010, 562, Fig. 6); it is, nevertheless, considerably smaller.
- 41.
We suppose that the new structures were founded as waqf endowments in order to guarantee the perpetuity of their existence.
- 42.
Another naqib (Haydar ibn Sharaf al-Din Muhammad ibn ʽUbayd Allah al-Husayni) ordered the reconstruction of the ʽAli al-Asghar Shrine (see Sect. 2.2.2.4).
- 43.
The mihrab has quite an unconventional form, because it was obviously commissioned with the intention of incorporating the relics described (al-Janabi 1982, Pl. 166).
- 44.
The Panja ʽAli Shrine inscription even attributes to him the Twelver Shiʽi epithets “Lord of Age” (sahib al-zaman), or “Ariser” (al-qaʼim), the one who stands up for God’s order (al-Janabi 1982, 177).
- 45.
Reports on madrasas in Mosul in the Ilkhanid period declined considerably, although at least some of them continued to operate. The analysis of contemporary sources by Ahmad ʽAbd Allah al-Hassu revealed a strong wave of emigration of local ʽulamaʼ. Mawsuʽat al-Mawsil al-Hadariya 1992, II, 246.
- 46.
We are very grateful to Ludvik Kalus who kindly researched for us the usage of the epithet and its similar forms within up-to-date documented Islamic epigraphy.
- 47.
The identification of the sponsor of the reconstruction with one of the two conceivable Ilkhanid monarchs (Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad Khodabande Öljeitü, or Abu Saʽid Bahadur Khan) is unlikely, given that the three recorded epithets do not appear in their known titulature.
- 48.
It is also significant that the shrines were under the supervision of local sayyids at this time, which may indicate continuity from as early as the fourteenth century (ʽAli 2011, 152–5).
- 49.
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Nováček, K., Melčák, M., Beránek, O., Starková, L. (2021). A City Contextualized. In: Mosul after Islamic State. Palgrave Studies in Cultural Heritage and Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62636-5_3
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