Abstract
This chapter begins with an overview of textual and visual sources (Arabic primary sources, travelogues, secondary works, vedutas, maps, and overhead imagery) relevant to the study of the historic built environment of Mosul city. The methodology subchapter provides a detailed outline of remote sensing data processing, which is characterized by certain specifics due to the focus of the research on a densely built-up urban space without any possibility of getting any control data from the ground. A systematic, richly documented catalogue of destroyed sites follows, centering on 14 buildings of medieval origin whose history is best reflected by the available sources. All these buildings had extraordinary architectural value and/or played a significant role in the social life of the city. The remaining sites are summarized at the end of the chapter.
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Notes
- 1.
See al-Qazwini 1848; Abu al-Fidaʼ 1840; Le Strange 1919. As for Ibn Battuta, who visited Mosul in 1327, the larger part of his account was drawn from Ibn Jubayr. Still we don’t have to consider it a useless plagiarism. The core description differs only a little, but still, it reflected some important changes and brought new information related to the power structure of the city at that time (Ibn al-Battuta 1962).
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
The image archive was established in 1978 and is now available in an online version on the Flickr domain: www.flickr.com/photos/apaame/sets/; www.apaame.org; http://www.eamena.org.
- 5.
- 6.
Al-Diwahji 1963, 25. For the transcription of the inscriptions, see ibid., 23. During the last reconstruction, both inscriptions were taken down and transferred to the Iraq Museum.
- 7.
The old mosque comprised, according to Niebuhr, part of a wall, a minaret, and a lavishly decorated mihrab . His testimony can probably be interpreted as indicating that the northern part of the mosque had been demolished in 1151/1738–1739 (see infra) and the summer musalla established. Valuable elements from the demolished interior were reused elsewhere, as was the case, for example, for four original pillars which were transferred to Hanafi musalla of al-Nabi Jirjis Mosque (see Sect. 2.2.1.4).
- 8.
Saʽid al-Diwahji, the author of this information, is inconsistent on the point of the year of the establishment of this takiya . It happened either in 1271/1854–1855 (al-Diwahji 1963, 25) or 1299/1881–1882 (ibid., 45). Unfortunately, no dated inscription was preserved.
- 9.
This chapter largely benefited from data very generously provided by Paula Ion, the UNESCO-hired architect responsible for the al-Nuri Mosque reconstruction. We are indebted to her architectural reconstructions of both the pre-1944 and the sixth/twelfth-century mosque, and for in-depth discussions, which were essential for the analysis of the al-Nuri prayer hall.
- 10.
This position is corroborated by the revision of the original measurement in Herzfeld’s sketchbook, and was most probably also applied in the central bay under the high dome (Fig. 2.20). The fact that the whole east and west sides of the elevated maqsura dome were supported by only one subtle pillar in the middle of the walls seems odd, but the fragmentary documentation does not offer any alternative possibility. A similar structure of supports was also used in other mosques in Mosul (the Mosques of al-Jamshid, al-Nabi Jirjis, and Sultan Uways and, most of all, the closest one chronologically, al-Mujahidi Mosque) ; in these cases, however, the central part was not so over-elevated and the pillars were not so loaded as that in the al-Nuri Mosque.
- 11.
A wooden gallery (sudda) opposite the main mihrab with access from the north aisle, as well as partition walls and remodelings at the eastern and western ends of the structure, also belonged to Shaykh Muhammad al-Nuri’s reconstruction.
- 12.
It concerns the pillar east of the Type 1 pillar in the northeast corner of the central bay, which was depicted by E. Herzfeld both in his sketchbook and in the final plan as the original one. However, the shouldered arch springing from the corner pillar has apparently been remodeled (Tabbaa 2002, Fig. 6), so the corresponding eastern pillar might also have been rather a result of the late Ottoman reconstruction.
- 13.
We assume they were removed during Shaykh Muhammad al-Nuri’s restoration. Their load-bearing purpose in the arcade was taken over by new buttresses reinforcing the neighboring pillars (Fig. 2.19, in the axes 4, 4.1, 6.1 and 7).
- 14.
Unlike our predecessors, we are not sure about the number of pillars in the eastern and western terminal parts of the mosque, where the situation was heavily modified by several later rebuildings and was poorly documented (thus the sign 2+).
- 15.
Comparison of the plan sketch in the sketchbook and the published plan (Sarre and Herzfeld 1911b, Taf. LXXXVIII) revealed that Herzfeld did not manage to record the exact position and number of the remnants of the riwaq pillars and their depiction in the final plan is thus not plausible (see also his explanation in Sarre and Herzfeld 1920a, 226).
- 16.
This is corroborated by the height of the central north arch of the central bay (and by the similar arches reconstructed in other bays), whose apex exceeded the level of the flat roof of the late Ottoman north aisle.
- 17.
- 18.
Al-Janabi stated erroneously that it was a three-part arcade, which however corresponds only to the extent of the preserved and transferred part.
- 19.
Very similar wide rectangular pilasters can be found in the Shaykh al-Shatt Mosque or Imam ʽAwn al-Din Shrine.
- 20.
The original shape of the dome is hardly discernible from a single preserved photograph. We, nevertheless, consider Tabbaa’s hypothesis of the two-phase development of the dome to be very plausible, and, with regard to numerous parallels from Ayyubid Syria, Baghdad (mausoleum in Madrasa al-Mirjaniya ), and North Iraq (Virgin chapel in Mar Behnam Monastery, Sitt Zaynab in Sinjar), we suppose its original form to have been a double-shell dome, hemispherical outside and hemispherical and fluted inside. The remodeling of the outer shell can be plausibly linked with Uzun Hasan’s reconstruction in the late ninth/fifteenth century, as the inscription corroborated (see supra), and not with Badr al-Din Luʼluʼ (Tabbaa 2002, 347).
- 21.
Hamd Allah Mustawfi (1281–1349) from Qazvin stated that “Mosul has a Friday Mosque, with a mihrab of cutstone, and carved so well that nowhere, even in wood-carving, could the like be done” (Le Strange 1919, 102). He was probably speaking about the main mihrab in the prayer hall and his description, at the same time, best matches the external mihrab .
- 22.
Tabbaa’s opinion that the inscription may have been a later copy of the original Nur al-Din’s inscription is not supported by any arguments (Tabbaa 2001, 174 n. 54).
- 23.
Due to its imperfect construction, its form rather resembles a square frustum, and this shape was even emphasized by the last repair in 1980–1982. A variety of values for the minaret’s dimensions are stated in the literature. We used here the data published by al-Shaykh Ali (1975, Table 1).
- 24.
- 25.
In the frame of the reconstruction in 1980–1982, the foundation was reinforced by a perimeter concrete belt hidden under a new cladding made from stone ashlars.
- 26.
The row of five niches above the entrance and windows might have been interior niches of an annexed house that was later lost.
- 27.
- 28.
“Maʽalim diniya: Jamiʽ al-Khidr,” a documentary film. Accessed November 25, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hmaLWFB7IRQ.
- 29.
“/…/ The town has a large suburb with mosques, baths, khans, and markets. One of the emirs of the town, called Mujahid al-Din, constructed on the banks of the Tigris a congregational mosque than which I have never seen a more splendid. It is impossible to describe its architectural ornament and its arrangement. It is covered with reliefs in terracotta, and its maqsurah makes one think of those in Paradise. Round it are iron lattice windows, adjoined by benches overlooking the Tigris /…/. In front of it (the mosque) stands a finely built hospital erected by Mujahid al-Din /…/” (Ibn Jubayr 2008, 243–4).
- 30.
The inscription was situated above the western entrance to the mosque; see also Eroğlu et al. 2012, 155.
- 31.
The Tigris was regulated in this portion only at the end of the nineteenth century; before that high waters could easily reach the structure’s foundation and cause damage.
- 32.
The date has been corrected by the editor of Al Faraj’s work, while the author himself stated the year 1366/1946–1947 (Al Faraj 2012, 111).
- 33.
The gallery of the dome was henceforward accessible only via a ladder from the western nave’s roof. This ladder was—like the famous Immovable Ladder in Jerusalem’s Church of Holy Sepulchre—an iconic feature of the building, visible in all pictures until the demolition.
- 34.
The Tigris has considerably changed its course during the last 50 years and now flows much further to the east than before.
- 35.
Even in the first half of the twentieth century, their remains were seen in the river at low water levels (al-Diwahji 1955, 6). According to proponents of the Ottoman origin of the structure, these ruins could be identified with the original al-Mujahidi Mosque from the Atabeg period (al-Sufi 1940, 55). In fact, it could have been any other structure.
- 36.
Although the stairway for the muezzin is, as we argue, of a relatively later date, there are neither hints of a medieval minaret nor traces of any earlier solution that would have enabled adhan.
- 37.
One can only speculate that this route to the mosque’s flat roof might have been the latest solution that enabled adhan after the demolition of the external staircase.
- 38.
In the photograph taken in 1901, this part is already complete, supplemented with a corner buttress (Al Faraj 2012, 98).
- 39.
Comparison of the ground plans of both structures shows that the central bay of Qaymaz’s mosque had very similar dimensions to those of the al-Nuri Mosque, even if we suppose that the north-south dimension of the al-Mujahidi central bay was somewhat reduced by the Ottoman-period installation of staircases. The elevation of the al-Nuri prayer hall was about 2.8 m higher than that of al-Mujahidi, while the volumes of their maqsura domes were similar (these parts can be compared only approximately due to the lack of data about their medieval forms).
- 40.
The terracotta cladding was clearly part of the original building, but its appearance remains completely unknown. The octagonal glazed tiles might have been a part of this decoration program, but could also have come from some of the later adjustments.
- 41.
- 42.
“Maʽalim Diniya, Jamiʽ al-Nabi Yunus.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eHnFaqmCl_Y; “Bi-l-maslawi: Tarikh al-Nabi Yunus.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rj8goUInMjM (part 1); https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uTT1sYFe14U (part 2).
- 43.
- 44.
Al-Maqdisi 1877, 146. The author describes her project as “building” a mosque, not reconstructing one. Still, we believe that this report concerns the same mosque mentioned earlier by al-Masʽudi.
- 45.
Al-Hamawi (1977, II, 41) described the patron of the shrine as “emir of Mosul before al-Bursuq,” that is before the rule of the Seljuq Atabeg of Mosul, Aqsunqur al-Bursuqi (507/1113–1114 to 520/1126, with an interruption).
- 46.
He was the famous naqib , representative of the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, Nasir al-Din ʽAbd Allah ibn al-Muhamid (d. 802/1399) who was buried in the al-Barma mausoleum attached to the Shrine of Imam ʽAwn al-Din (see Sect. 2.2.2.2).
- 47.
Timur allocated the same amount of money for the reconstruction works at the al-Nabi Jirjis Shrine.
- 48.
- 49.
His description mentions, for example, small windows opening onto the corridor. These are visible in photographs of the northern facade taken after reconstruction in 1271 AH, but not in Flandin’s engravings created before the addition of the corridor. It is, however, possible that the extended part with passages used older masonry of unknown date, which is recognizable in Flandin’s image.
- 50.
According to the ongoing investigations, the rooms tended to be organized along two or three parallel, south-to-north oriented lines. Their vaults were reconstructed in the 1980s using concrete and steel elements. The foundation walls of the minaret seem to be based directly on the paved floor of the Assyrian palace and neither these walls nor the other mosque’s foundations reached into deeper levels (A. Hoffschildt, pers. comm., November 2019).
- 51.
The mosque rooms were not, in many cases, regularly orthogonal, particularly in the southern part of the shrine, which showed an axial deviation to the west and no indentation on the eastern facade which occurred in the 1954 plan (Fig. 2.30; the actual roof edge according to the orthogonal aerial image is depicted by a dashed line). The thicknesses of some walls are suspicious and many details (e.g., door frame articulations) are missing.
- 52.
- 53.
The second entrance from the northern corridor through the older passageway was made during the last reconstruction.
- 54.
“Maʽalim Diniya: Jamiʽ al-Nabi Jirjis,” a documentary film. Diwan al-Waqf al-Sunni in Ninawa, accessed December 20, 2017. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HAbxMGSNjzc; “Bi-l-maslawi: Tarikh al-Nabi Jirjis,” a documentary film. Al-Mawsiliya TV, accessed December 20, 2017. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MtsEUoDaVvk&t=1263s (part 1), and https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WzCtqqtjOA0 (part 2).
- 55.
- 56.
- 57.
Al-Diwahji (ditto) and Fransis and al-Naqshabandi (1949, 61) dated the door, according to ornamental decoration and the Kufi script form, to the end of the sixth/twelfth century.
- 58.
The argument is the similarity of muqarnas to the vault of the tomb of Nabi Yunus and also the historical mention of Timur Lenk’s donation in 796/1393–1394, which, however, does not necessarily relate to the vault preserved until the twentieth century. The note by Muhammad Amin al-ʽUmari about the demolition of the tomb’s dome in 1149/1736–1737 and its new construction under Husayn Pasha al-Jalili (al-Diwahji 1961, 7) sounds plausible. According to al-Diwahji (1961, 8), however, double-shell domes were no longer built in Mosul from the eighth/fourteenth century onward.
- 59.
An identically shaped bottom edge of the relieving lintel could also be found over the eastern and western doorways of the Shafiʽi prayer hall, corroborating that the window or its refurbishment came from the reconstruction campaign of Husayn Pasha al-Jalili around 1152 AH.
- 60.
One may probably omit the unlikely possibility of a surveying error during the mausoleum’s foundation, considered by Uluçam (1989, 52).
- 61.
The latter opinion is plausible, as the Nabi Jirjis mihrab falls into a consistent group of twelfth/eighteenth century Mosul mihrabs , being nearly congruent with the mihrabs in al-Aghawat Mosque (founded in 1113–1114/1702–1703, no hint at the dating of the structure to the Timurid period), Qadib al-Ban Mosque (1123/1711), mosques of al-Basha (1755), and al-Mahmudayn (1796).
- 62.
During the last reconstruction, the arches and pillars were removed and replaced by a reinforced concrete ceiling with four prismatic concrete pillars, lined with marble at the bottom.
- 63.
All this western wing collapsed during the twentieth century due to lack of maintenance. During the last reconstruction, its remnants were removed and the prayer hall was closed by a new partition leading from the NW corner of the tomb chamber to the north.
- 64.
The identity of Yahya ibn al-Qasim has been disputed. His traditional identification as the grandson of Imam al-Hasan ibn ʽAli (al-Khidri MS, Fol. 293) was questioned by al-ʽUmari 1967–1968, II, 79. His name is often also referred to as Yahya Abu al-Qasim, which opens up further possibilities for identification (see, e.g., Al Faraj 2012, 122–4).
- 65.
We don’t share the belief of al-Diwahji (1954, 100–1) and others that the shrine was included in the area of the citadel. Except for Ibn Jubayr’s not very reliable description that the fortress was adjacent to the houses of the Sultan, there are no other supporting clues in sources from Mosul, notwithstanding the apparent functional and military-strategic issues that would have resulted from such a solution.
- 66.
This piece of information comes from Ibn al-Fuwati (1997, 366), while Ibn Khallikan (1977, I, 184) stated that he was buried in a shrine (i.e., the Yahya ibn al-Qasim Shrine), which does not seem probable. Al-ʽUmari (1955, 103–4) recorded a tradition that Badr al-Din was laid to rest in the Shrine of Imam ʽAli al-Asghar in the al-Nuri Mosque neighborhood. This idea circulated in Mosul in the thirteenth/nineteenth century; al-Diwahji (1968, 173), as well as al-Janabi (1982, 54), maintained that Badr al-Din was eventually interred in the Mausoleum of Imam ʽAli ibn Abi Talib at Najaf, which appears to be an unsupported conjecture.
- 67.
In McClary (2017), this important phase of development is missing.
- 68.
This final part of the inscription is preceded by basmala and the Quranic verses (or their parts) 6:90, 33:33, and 76: 8–12. The translation is ours. It was made on the basis of the transcription recorded by Khalid Sultan for his unpublished doctoral thesis and cited in the Thesaurus d’Épigraphie Islamique, No. 26066, and a slightly different version of the inscription published by Yusuf Dhunnun (1967, 228–9). Only these two transcriptions take into consideration the date, whose last number is not clear.
- 69.
The available documentation is not informative enough for the mihrab to be conclusively connected with the reconstruction. Its construction might also have been the result of a change of plan during the erection of the shrine. Similarly, the date of the portion of richly ornamental frieze above the mihrab remains uncertain; its dimensions and the details of its execution and motifs differed from those of the perimeter band over the dado.
- 70.
The portico probably still did not exist at the time of the earliest preserved photograph of the shrine from 1887. There is no hint of a two-phase development of the portico, presumed by McClary (2017, 6). The secondary use of the columns can be deduced from the absence of capitals and bases (the latter were replaced by high, prismatic, roughly processed segments).
- 71.
The inscription on the gate to the area stated that the reconstruction date was 1384/1964–1965.
- 72.
This conclusion is corroborated by M. al-ʽUmari’s account from the second half of the eighteenth century, in which he states that “the shrine has a central courtyard (hawsh mutawassit) overlooking the Tigris” (al-ʽUmari 1967–1968, II, 78).
- 73.
These photographs are among E. Herzfeld’s Papers in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, accessible at https://www.metmuseum.org/art/libraries-and-research-centers/watson-digital-collections/manuscript-collections/ernst-herzfeld-papers.
- 74.
We also find it striking that the hypothetical existence of such a tomb would not be used in the scholarly literature as an argument in support of those who ultimately refused to accept the old local tradition that the last resting place of the shrine’s founder, Badr al-Din Luʼluʼ, was at the Shrine of ʽAli al-Asghar (see Sect. 2.2.2.4).
- 75.
For a more reliable assessment, data on the form of the other Ottoman madrasas in Mosul would be indispensable. Uluçam (1989, 220–1) listed four new foundations in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, which should be supplemented with the madrasa of the ʽAbdal Mosque and Madrasa al-Aminiya, part of the al-Basha Mosque. At least the latter and Madrasa al-Khaliliya (within the complex of the al-Aghawat Mosque) are of a completely different type from al-Badriya (Dhunnun et al. 1983).
- 76.
- 77.
Two fragments of the inscription read as follows: 1. /…/ [a]l-imam qasim al-dawla, nasir [al-milla] /…/. 2. /…/ [m]alik umaraʼ al-sharq wa al-gharb, abu al-fadaʼil, husam amir al-mu[ʼminin] /…/ (according to al-Gailani 1973, II, 398, and Figs. 357, 358). All the epithets mentioned were used by Badr al-Din Luʼluʼ (compare van Berchem 1978). Furthermore, the epithet “Abu al-Fadaʼil” is a generic component of Badr al-Din’s titulature (al-Jumʽa 2018, 162). There is no reason to infer from the epithet “Qasim al-Dawla” or “Abu al-Fadaʼil” that the sponsors were Aq Sunqur al-Hajib (?) (al-Gailani, op. cit.) or Aq Sunqur al-Bursuqi (Hillenbrand 2006, 21, Fig. 5) respectively.
- 78.
The cenotaph inscriptions were published in Suyufi 1956, 195–6.
- 79.
http://alialagamosulpic.blogspot.com/2018/06/320.html, accessed December 9, 2019.
- 80.
The authors would like to express their thanks to Axelle Rougeulle for sharing this documentation.
- 81.
Al-Dawla al-Islamiya. 2014. “Mulhaq taqrir hadm al-adriha fi madinat al-Mawsil,” al-Maktab al-iʽlami li-wilayat Ninawa. Accessed August 8, 2014. http://justpaste.it/Adrah.
- 82.
Al-Diwahji , on the other hand, suggested a different reading: “You have visited a gate … (qad zurta baban …).” See al-Diwahji’s correction of Suyufi’s original reading (Suyufi 1956, 100, No. 392). Even al-Diwahji, however, leaves the problem of the dual foundation (first a madrasa, later a shrine) open (ibid., 99, Note 1). Our analysis of the inscription confirmed the correctness of al-Jumʽa’s reading of the text.
- 83.
The only conceivable source of the original dedication to Imam ʽAwn al-Din would have been epigraphic inscriptions on the lid of the severely damaged cover of the sarcophagus. It appears, however, that the lid should not have been considered an original part of the sarcophagus (see infra for more details).
- 84.
This estimate concerns the additionally recessed north side, while on the west and south sides, where the surface rose due to the gradual growth of the cemetery backfills, the height of the dado only amounted to ca. 190 cm.
- 85.
Musʽab Mohamed Yasim Mohamed Al-Jubouri, pers. comm. 2019.
- 86.
Other possibilities, such as the horizontal joint between the earlier and younger phases of the wall, are ruled out due to the fact that the scar did not continue on neighboring facades.
- 87.
The wall collapsed in 1954 and its void was lined with mortar immediately afterward. The situation is further complicated by the vertical gap visible in the stone wall of the mausoleum to the left of what remains of the collapsed wall, which indicates a more complicated development of the building (Fig. 2.44: 23).
- 88.
According to A. Q. al-Jumʽa (Mawsuʽat al-Mawsil al-Hadariya 1992, III, 380), the bottom edge of the epigraphic strip was lined with a horizontal band of the large, square, blue-glazed tiles, above which were groups of three, triangularly arranged smaller square tiles touching each other at the corners. The strip was fragmentarily preserved on the northern (12 tiles), western (7 tiles), and eastern (3 tiles) facades. The finding, which was marked with blue paint on the plaster of the new facade lining from 1964, seems to be, nevertheless, dubious; nor has the slightest trace of it been preserved. Furthermore, there is no free space on the eastern facade.
- 89.
The clearly legible part of the inscription reads as follows: [f]alak al-ma‛ali … malik umara[’] (star of summits … king of emirs). The middle part can probably be read as ghiyath al-wara (help of mankind). We were not able to connect it with a certainty with any sponsor of the building. The epithet was only rarely used. See Sect. 3.2 for more details. We are grateful to Ludvik Kalus, Sheila Blair, and Yasser Tabbaa for their kind assistance in reading the inscription.
- 90.
During the 1964 repair, the loose tiles were randomly fitted at the edges of the frieze.
- 91.
We adopted Herzfeld’s designation of the portals.
- 92.
Portal A featured a perimeter epigraphic inscription of rather unconventional poetic content, rather than a religious text. The corrected transcription was recently published by al-Jumʽa (2018, 161); see also the different version in Suyufi 1956, 100, No. 392. The upper frieze of portal A had the inscription designating Badr al-Din as its sponsor (Amara bi ‛amalihi … / The work on this [portal] was ordered by …; Suyufi 1956, 99, No. 391). Portal B is epigraphically richer. As well as common Quranic inscriptions (Quran 2:255 – ayat al-kursi in the perimeter frieze, and Quran 24:36–37 in the upper frieze), it features the name of Badr al-Din (al-Sultan al-Malik al-Rahim Badr al-Dunya wa al-Din) inscribed independently, and not within the usual foundation inscription formula explicitly describing the given person as the founder/sponsor of the object. On both sides there are small panels containing the invocation of Muhammad and his family (on the right; Suyufi 1956, 100, No. 396), and the plea for God’s forgiveness for Sunbul al-Badri (on the left; ibid., 100, No. 397), who is considered to have been the supervisor of Badr al-Din’s construction projects (al-Jumʽa 2018, 162).
- 93.
After the destruction of the complex in July 2014, the portal remained in situ and suffered only minor damage.
- 94.
Of course, the inscription on portal A could have hypothetically begun outside the epigraphic band on the right side. Given its unconventional content, it is hard to judge if the documented initial part of the inscription (see supra) really was the beginning or not.
- 95.
However, this fragment cannot be identified with any known part of Suyufi’s or al-Jumʽa’s reading of portal A’s epigraphy.
- 96.
The threshold of portal A was situated ca. 180 cm above floor level in the shrine’s interior.
- 97.
Except for windows that are missing on the east and south sides. We do not find support in the documentation for differences in the decoration presented by R. McClary (in press). For example, the existence of large niches with muqarnas conches is evidenced by both photographs and the description of E. Herzfeld (Sarre and Herzfeld 1920a, 264).
- 98.
Uluçam 1989 and Tabbaa n. d. argued for a later origin of this dado inscription. However, the filiation is obviously the opposite: the inscription band with the names of the Twelve Imams in the shrine of Imam Yahya seems to be formally and technically a lower quality imitation of the inscription from the ʽAwn al-Din Shrine.
- 99.
The content is very similar to that of the lowest perimeter inscription band (al-Naqshbandi 1950, 200: 2). Herzfeld hypothesized that this inscription could contain the dedication to Imam ʽAwn al-Din (Sarre and Herzfeld 1920a, 264, No. 56). Although a few sections of the inscription are illegible, the structure of the legible parts and their distribution on the ledge make this suggestion improbable.
- 100.
The fragments are hardly legible and have not been published as yet.
- 101.
As the articulation of the latter example was only a base for the lavish stucco decoration, which later disappeared, it would be appropriate to ask whether Imam ʽAwn al-Din’s interior was also decorated with stucco, although no hint has been obtained from the structure itself.
- 102.
A very similar combination of shouldered arched panels with strapwork and thin, high muqarnas corbels can be found in the vault over the entrance portal of Shad-i Mulk Aqa Mausoleum (after 1371) in the Shah-i Zindeh complex at Samarkand.
- 103.
From the point of view of the strict construction typology suggested by H. Kazempour (2016) the vault thus meets the definition of real muqarnas (muqarnas in the narrow sense of the word). Kazempour argues, based on the analysis of Iranian examples, that muqarnas was first developed from earlier, less complex forms in the Ilkhanid architecture of the beginning of the eighth/fourteenth century.
- 104.
A wooden carved panel of the post-Samarra beveled style is exhibited in the Iraq Museum (Basmachi 1976, 356, A10669). The item was unnoticed by Mosul scholars, which casts some doubts on its connection with the shrine.
- 105.
A. Q. al-Jum‛a comments on the ground plan in “al-Mawsil al-qadima—Masjid al-imam Ibrahim.” Al-Mawsiliya TV, accessed November 27, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ifujaliMfw.
- 106.
According to our reading of the inscription on the commemorative slab. Her name is often incorrectly read as Husna.
- 107.
The drawing of the portal was circulated on the al-Mawsil al-qadima … suwar wa dhikrayat Facebook group page and personally commented on by A. Q. al-Jumʽa in his interview for al-Mawsiliya TV (see Note 105).
- 108.
The height is an underestimate as the window’s jambs continued beneath the current floor of the mosque. Al-Jum‛a estimated the window’s length under the surface to be ca. 100 cm (see his interview for al-Mawsiliya TV in Note 105), which hints at a considerable growth of the terrain since the window was made.
- 109.
Surprisingly, it was not Imam Ibrahim, but a nameless imam, the son or descendant of the Imam Ibrahim. The genealogy is given back to ʽAli ibn Abi Talib. The inscription reads as follows: Hadha mashhad al-imam ibn al-imam Ibrahim al-Mujab ibn Ja‛far ibn Muhammad ibn sayyidina wa mawlana Zayn al-‛Abidin wa Hujjat Allah al-baligha ‛ala al-‛alamin ‛Ali ibn al-Husayn ibn ‛Ali ibn Abi Talib ‛alayhim afdal al-salat wa al-salam. Transcribed from a photo by al-Jum‛a (1975, Fig. 72). Compare a slightly different version by al-Sufi (1940, 29).
- 110.
The slab was previously dated to the turn of the twelfth century. However, this estimation was based only on the year of death of the hypothetical founder of the complex, the Uqaylid ruler Ibrahim (486/1093) and the misdating of the door (as 498/1104; Strika 1976, 197; Dhunnun 1967, 197). On the contrary, the elegant Naskhi script and the way of representing the Haram area in Mecca on the stone constitute evidence it originated a century later.
- 111.
- 112.
In addition to the entrance portal (see infra), this dating was also considered for unspecified column fragments discovered in a backfill of a well, accessible from a corridor leading to the eastern room with the marble sarcophagus.
- 113.
- 114.
The dating of the portal to the Atabeg period (al-Jumʽa 1975, Figs. 21 and 22) is not convincingly justified. In Mosul, stone lining with molded corbels of this type usually belongs to a younger layer of architectural elements, as is also evidenced by the dated window (731/1330–1331; see infra), which was of the same design as the portal.
- 115.
Judging from its form and size, the window was most probably situated in the western room. Its precise placement, however, cannot be determined. Al-Jumʽa (1975, Figs. 69, 70) referred to a find of another window or mihrab (?) in a disarticulated state.
- 116.
According to the drawing of the window by A. Q. al-Jum‛a (Mawsuʽat al-Mawsil al-hadaraiya 1992, III, 332), we read the inscription as follows: Juddida hadha al-shubbak al-mubarak fi wilayat al-mawla al-hasib al-nasib al-tahir al-naqib Kamal al-Din Haydar ibn Sharaf al-Din Muhammad ibn ‛Ubayd Allah al-Husayni a‛azza Allah ansarahu fi shuhur sanat ahad wa thalathin wa sab‛ mi’a hilaliya (This blessed window was reconstructed during the reign of the respected, noble, and virtuous lord, the naqib Kamal al-Din Haydar ibn Sharaf al-Din Muhammad ibn ʽUbayd Allah al-Husayni, may God strengthen his victories, in the months of the year 731 of hijra). The person mentioned is probably the same Mosul ruler appearing in the travelogue of Ibn Battuta (1962, 176). Suyufi’s reading (1956, 106, No. 420) of the inscription differs significantly.
- 117.
Al-Sufi , at the same time, supposed that the wooden sarcophagus in the main funerary room was secondary, built only later as the result of the mistaken identification of the marble one (al-Sufi 1940, 59, 61–2).
- 118.
It is also worth mentioning that al-Sufi read Badr al-Din’s royal titulature as al-Malik al-Saʽid (al-Sufi 1940, 62; see also al-Diwahji 2013, 19), which contradicts his real regnal title al-Malik al-Rahim (van Berchem 1978). As for Suyufi’s reading of the inscriptions, it differs considerably from those of all other authors and casts even more doubt on the identity of the entombed person. Like al-Jum‛a’s reading, it does not mention the name of “Badr al-Din,” or the title of “al-malik” (Suyufi 1956, 107, No. 426).
- 119.
They refer to the alleged date of the death of the deceased stated in the inscription without giving any detailed information (Mal Allah and Yahya 2018, 131–2).
- 120.
The authors agree that the sarcophagus was also decorated by the circumferential inscription featuring Quran 2:255 (ayat al-kursi ).
- 121.
- 122.
This also influenced al-Diwahji, who wrongly suggested that the name of ʽAbd al-Rahman was carved on the entrance portal to the tomb and was confident that his sarcophagus could be found in the interior, although there was no specific indication or evidence of any inscription (al-Diwahji 1958, 141–2). The name Badr al-Din as a founder appears in a number of works, but always as conjecture or speculation without any support in the textual sources. According to another testimony, tombs of four Mosul descendants of the Prophet and their children were adjacent to the mausoleum on the western side, and tombs of three others could be found in the courtyard (al-Khidri, MS, Fol. 292; al-ʽUmari 1955, 109).
- 123.
Al-Janabi stated, with a reference to al-Diwahji (1958, Pl. 39), that the sarcophagus was carved from wood and dated to the seventh/thirteenth century. This is an apparent mistake, as the photograph referred captures, in fact, an upside-down view of the sarcophagus in the ʽAwn al-Din Shrine.
- 124.
- 125.
“Maʽalim diniya: Jamiʽ al-imam al-Bahir,” a documentary film, accessed March 18, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MJmZ-ZjN10U.
- 126.
- 127.
Hypothetically, for example, [rukn al-isla]m wa al-muslimin qa[hir al-mutamarridin], that is the “pillar of Islam and Muslims, the subduer of rebels.” However, the epithets of [‛adud al-isla]m wa al-muslimin (the strength of Islam and Muslims) and qa[hir al-khawarij] (the subduer of the Kharijites), or qa[til al-kafara] (the killer of infidels), or qa[mi ‛al-mushrikin] (the suppressor of polytheists) are also possible. Transcribed according to the photograph of the fragment in al-Janabi 1982, Pl. 177; see slightly different versions in Suyufi 1956, 147–No. 566; 194–No. 117: 2; Fransis and al-Naqshabandi 1951, 216: 2. For Badr al-Din’s and Atabeg titulatures, see van Berchem 1978; and, for example, Suyufi 1956, 145, No. 560.
- 128.
According to al-Diwahji (1963, 190), al-Hadithi and ʽAbd al-Khaliq (1974), and al-Janabi (1982, 178). In 1982, however, Uluçam described the inscription as being situated in the entrance corridor (Uluçam 1989, 141). If his description is correct (there are several mistakes in his account), then it means that the panels had been transferred from the tomb’s interior shortly before he saw them. The photograph from 2007 (Al Faraj 2012, Fig. on page 129) captured an inscription in the tomb indicating that 699 AH was the year of construction, but in a completely different form: “This is the tomb of the imam , the son of Imam Muhammad ibn ʽAli ibn al-Husayn ibn Abi Talib. It appeared in the month of safar in the year of 699 AH” (according to Al Faraj 2012, 128, Note 1 by the editor). The authenticity of this last version of the inscription seems dubious.
- 129.
Information on the development of the site after 1963 was mostly drawn from the documentary film (see supra Note 125).
- 130.
A. Uluçam maintained that all the windows (medieval?) apart from the east window were walled up (Uluçam 1989, 142).
- 131.
Al-Diwahji only mentioned that it was beside the tomb of al-Sayyid Bektash, which perhaps means the western part of the north wall.
- 132.
We assume that the figure of five steps makes it possible to estimate the cant of the portal’s threshold of about 150 cm above the tomb floor. However, this means that even from the corridor (originally 3 m above the tomb’s floor) it was necessary to descend to the portal by several stairs. This is, however, not mentioned in the literature.
- 133.
One wing from the original batten cleat door was stored in the Iraq Museum. It has a richly carved geometric (arabesque) decoration. Its dimensions amount to 2.27 × 0.58 m, which fully corresponds to the clear dimensions of the portal. The wing does not feature any inscription or dating but its decoration has many parallels in late ʽAbbasid and Jalaʼirid Iraq. Al-Janabi compared it directly to the door of the ʽAwn al-Din shrine from the period of Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ (al-Janabi 1982, 196, Pl. 196; Fransis and al-Naqshabandi 1949, 61).
- 134.
Especially its low position—only 3 m over the original surface—is puzzling.
- 135.
The inscription reads as follows: “this work was produced by ʽAbd al-Rahim ibn Ahmad /…/ (hadha al-‛amal sana‛ahu ‛Abd al-Rahim ibn Ahmad /…/).”
- 136.
The inscription (probably containing the letters alif, dal, haʼ, and lam) is difficult to read and understand without knowledge of the context that would have been provided by neighboring panels. The panel could correspond to the Kufi inscription in the tomb recorded by Fransis and al-Naqshabandi (1951, 216: 1): “hadha ma… (this is…)”; see al-Janabi 1982, 182.
- 137.
This inscription was only described by Suyufi (1956, 146–7, No. 565), and later adopted by al-Diwahji (1963, 189); no photo available. The inscription concluded with the phrase: “Hadha qabr…/This is the tomb of…” and the name “al-Bahu”(?), which we were not able to identify. The panel does not appear in the works of any subsequent authors.
- 138.
Fransis and al-Naqshabandi 1951, 216: 3–4. According to al-Sufi (1940, 78), only two slabs survived in situ until 1940: one to the right of the entrance (90 × 45 cm) and another to the left of the mihrab on the south wall (75 × 75 cm—the upper part of the “founding” fragment). During the reconstruction in 1940, the marble slabs (except the panel with the Twelve Imams), were stored in the Iraq Museum (Fransis and al-Naqshabandi 1951, 216). Al-Jumʽa included one of these panels, exhibited in Baghdad, among fragments from Madrasa al-Badriya (al-Jumʽa 1975, Pl. 166), which appears to be a mistake. All scholars described the interior decoration as being very fragmentary, having been subject to numerous adjustments.
- 139.
“Maʽalim diniya: Jamiʽ al-imam Muhsin,” a documentary film produced by Diwan al-Waqf al-Sunni, Iraq. Accessed February 18, 2016. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=auEQORZXtf4.
- 140.
See the Shrine of Imam ʽAbd al-Rahman / Madrasa al-ʽIzziya (Sect. 2.2.2.5).
- 141.
The madrasa “was situated opposite dar al-mamlaka (an Atabeg residence, later Qara Saray) and Madrasa al-ʽIzziya.”
- 142.
The partly preserved commemorative inscription contains the fragment of royal titulature “Nur al-Dunya,” which could indeed belong to Nur al-Din Arslan Shah. The other legible parts include basmala and the verb amara (he ordered).
- 143.
The identity of Imam Muhsin is unknown. There is agreement that he was of Hasanid origin, but it remains unclear which generation he was from. Even his name is not unambiguous. The name commonly used for him today, Muhsin (see also al-ʽUmari 1955, 108), was not known to al-Khidri (MS, Fol. 292) and Muhammad Amin al-ʽUmari (1967–1968, II, 80), who instead identified him as ʽAbd al-Muhsin.
- 144.
See the documentary film in Note 139.
- 145.
- 146.
They contained two royal epithets: hafiz thughur bilad al-muslimin (guardian of frontier fortresses of the Muslim lands), and [m]uhyi [a]l-‛adl wa al-insaf (reviver of justice and equity), and the fragment of the third one (malik/king), all appearing in Atabeg sovereign names. See the incomplete transcription by al-Diwahji in Suyufi 1956, 193, No. 110–11.
- 147.
See the documentary film in Note 139.
- 148.
“Maʽalim diniya: Jamiʽ Qadib al-Ban al-Mawsili,” a documentary film. Accessed May 6, 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wd3bcS1wfQ4&list=PL8M_UhlF7nAdK7y2N4F_PJpQAlbCPQpIA&index=6.
- 149.
The peculiar personality of Shaykh Qadib al-Ban was vividly described by Ibn al-Mustawfi (1980, I, 371).
- 150.
Al-Diwahji quotes the inscription as follows: “(Basmala), this fountain was built and a waqf was made for the benefit of all Muslims. It was built by the great Sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf, let God make his government eternal, through ʽAli ibn ʽAbd Allah al-Nukhjuwani.” The slab was stored in Mosul Museum. Since Ashraf I visited Mosul in 617/1220, operated in the region (he was the emir of Harran, Mayyfariqin, Sinjar, and Edesa until 1229), and married the sister of Mosul’s ruler Nur al-Din Arslan Shah II, he is very likely to have been the donor.
- 151.
No ground plan of the structure is known to the present authors; the dimensions were deduced from an aerial image of Mosul taken by the Luftwaffe in 1942.
- 152.
There was a second, smaller marble grave in the tomb where a sister of Qadib al-Ban was allegedly interred (Al Faraj 2012, 137).
- 153.
In the lower part of the mihrab’s niche there was a secondarily inset gravestone with the inscription “This is the grave of deceased Shaykh Hasan ibn Shaykh ʽAbd al-Rahman ibn al-Shaykh Muhammad known as al-Baghdashti…,” and with the enumeration of Twelve Imams on the perimeter (al-Diwahji 1952, 105; al-Diwahji 1963, 265).
- 154.
Fragments of epigraphic bands are visible in the interior shots of the documentary film (see Note 148).
- 155.
Al-Dawla al-Islamiya. 2014b. “Taqrir ʽan hadm al-adriha wa al-awthan fi wilayat Ninawa.” Accessed August 9, 2014. http://justpaste.it/atrah.
- 156.
They were Abu Nasr al-Fath ibn Saʽid (d. 220/835) and Abu Muhammad al-Fath ibn Muhammad ibn Washshah al-Azdi (d. 170/786–787). See, for example, al-ʽUmari 1967–1968, II, 112, Note 1 by al-Diwahji.
- 157.
N. N. N. Khoury dated the plaques, without any explanation, to the seventh/thirteenth century (Khoury 1992, 16).
- 158.
Inscriptions on both mihrab marble slabs were published by Suyufi 1956, 113–14, No. 450 (the mosque) and 451 (the tomb).
- 159.
Herzfeld’s dating of identical columns in al-Nuri Mosque to the period ca. 540–560 AH was challenged by Y. Tabbaa (2002, 346). The columns were added to the prayer hall during the reconstruction in 1281–1286/1864–1870 (see Sect. 2.2.1.1). Two similar bundled columns (without capitals) were reassembled in the late Ottoman entrance portico of the Imam Yahya Shrine (built after 1887; see Sect. 2.2.2.1).
- 160.
Uluçam (1989, 144) mentions a reconstruction in 1250/1834 by al-Sayyid Idris and argues (without giving any reference) that at that time a prayer room was added to the tomb.
- 161.
Here we rely on the information given on Wikipedia referencing Dalil al-jamawiʽ wa al-masajid al-turathiya al-qadima issued by Diwan al-Waqf al-Sunni fi al-ʽIraq (https://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/مرقد_فتحي_الموصلي).
- 162.
As it was perceived to be in the eighteenth and nineteenth century by al-Khidri, MS, Fol. 98; and Ibn al-Khayyat 1966, 66. They maintained he had died at the battle of Siffin (657 AD) while fighting with ʽAli ibn Talib against Muʽawiya. He was supposed to have been buried on the spot in what is now Raqqa in Syria. His shrine in this town was destroyed by IS in 2013.
- 163.
In 1955 al-Diwahji, however, noted an oral tradition that the tomb of the naqibs was actually identical to the shrine of Uways al-Qarani. It was allegedly situated close to the Faruq Street. Takiya al-Uwaysiya/al-Wisiya (see infra) lay to the west of it (al-Diwahji’s commentary in al-ʽUmari 1955, 101, Note 1). The link between the shrine (maqam ) of Uways al-Qarani and the cemetery of the descendants of the Prophet (described as sadat) is already mentioned in al-Khidri, MS, Fol. 298: They were buried in the courtyard of the shrine.
- 164.
The Mosque of Sultan Uways was first associated with this Jalaʼirid ruler (in Mosul after 766/1364) by Sarre and Herzfeld (1920a, 288).
- 165.
- 166.
New data could emerge from the identification of the mihrab from Takiya al-Wisiya in the Iraq Museum and the possible discovery of two side mihrabs from the prayer hall of the mosque in the ruins of the building.
- 167.
E. Herzfeld read the inscription over the entrance indicating a reconstruction in 1316/1898 (Sarre and Herzfeld 1920a, 287). Whether it referred to the first reconstruction (with one number mistaken) or to the later one cannot be determined.
- 168.
Al Faraj (2012, 133) proposed linking the tomb with ʽAli al-Hadi’s grandson, ʽAli ibn Jaʽfar ibn ʽAli al-Hadi.
- 169.
According to al-Diwahji (1954, 105–6), who only refers to an unavailable article written by Dawud al-Chalabi in 1948. Unfortunately, we cannot determine the reliability of this information.
- 170.
- 171.
- 172.
Al-Khidri (MS, Fol. 318) identified him as Shaykh al-ʽAbbas al-Mustaʽjil, that is “rushing,” the epithet that he got for quickly fulfilled wishes expressed over his tomb. Al-Diwahji suggests just another hypothetical option, Mosul’s judge under Harun al-Rashid named al-ʽAbbas ibn al-Fadl al-Ansari (al-Diwahji 1963, 248).
- 173.
- 174.
The Ottoman city plans depicted the Mosque of Imam Zayd ibn ʽAli in a different location, ca. 45 m to the northwest of the domed structure identified in the modern overhead imagery, in a built-up spot where only E. Wirth (1991, Abb. 1) marked a mosque. No such structure is visible there in the satellite images. Suyufi (1956, 17) noted another mosque, whose name is unknown, not far from Imam Zayd. It was abandoned in his time and bore the dating 1091/1680–1681. The photograph published in Al Faraj (2012, 147), reputedly depicting the ruins of Imam Zayd Mosque, probably captured a different site since the appearance of the ruins does not correspond to the description or the satellite imagery.
- 175.
His work was completed in 1211/1796–1797.
- 176.
This dating and extent of destruction substantially differs from the analysis of the ASOR-CHI team (Danti et al. 2017, 103).
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Nováček, K., Melčák, M., Beránek, O., Starková, L. (2021). A City Explored. In: Mosul after Islamic State. Palgrave Studies in Cultural Heritage and Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62636-5_2
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