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Under the Protection of Alien Wings. Russian Emigrant Mathematiciancs in Interwar France: A General Picture and Two Case Studies of Ervand Kogbetliantz and Vladimir Kosticyn

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Mathematical Communities in the Reconstruction After the Great War 1918–1928

Part of the book series: Trends in the History of Science ((TRENDSHISTORYSCIENCE))

Abstract

The present chapter tackles a fundamental aspect of the 1920s and evokes the situation of the political refugees in Europe by following the various trajectories of mathematicians who fled the Bolshevik regime in Russia and settled down in Paris. For various reasons, there were not so many mathematicians among the Russian emigration, but their original path offers an opportunity to reflect upon their more or less easy adaptation to the local mathematical community of their host country, according to specificities linked to their political situation as well as to their mathematical choices. The chapter studies these questions by examining in detail the trajectories of two scientists with contrasted backgrounds: the Armenian-Russian mathematician Ervand G. Kogbetliantz who arrived in 1921, and the Russian mathematician Vladimir A. Kosticyn who arrived in 1928 after having occupied important functions at the university of Moscow under the Bolshevik regime.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nouss (2015; 40).

  2. 2.

    Nouss (2015; 109).

  3. 3.

    Kunth (2016).

  4. 4.

    Prost and Winter (2005).

  5. 5.

    Gerwarth (2017).

  6. 6.

    Gerwarth (2017).

  7. 7.

    Kovalevskij (1971).

  8. 8.

    Struve (1996).

  9. 9.

    Menegaldo (1998).

  10. 10.

    For more on this, see, for instance, Kunth (2017).

  11. 11.

    For more on Riabushinskij, see the works of Claudine Fontanon, in particular Fontanon (2017).

  12. 12.

    Quoted by Kazanin (2007; 93).

  13. 13.

    There was, for instance, the famous episode of the philosophers’ ship. See Chamberlain (2007).

  14. 14.

    See Mazliak (2018a) on some aspects of mathematical life at the time of the NEP, and its sudden end in 1928 when the great Stalinist revolution began. Readers interested in learning more about this crucial moment in the history of the USSR are referred to Khlevniuk (2015) and Sletzkine (2017).

  15. 15.

    Journal Officiel de la République française, 18 novembre 1920, p 18597.

  16. 16.

    A detailed study of GAR’s activities can be found in (among others) Bojchevskij (2006), Efremenko (2008), and Mazliak and Perfettini (2020).

  17. 17.

    The mathematician Paul Appell (1855–1930), Rector of the Academy of Paris, was appointed president of the COERF.

  18. 18.

    Note that both men remained in Soviet Russia after 1917: the first, condemned to internal exile at the end of the 1920s, died of starvation in 1931; the second barely escaped physical annihilation in 1936 after a terrible slander campaign that was halted at the last moment by order of Stalin. For more on these topics, see Ford (1991), Graham and Kantor (2009), and Demidov and Lëvshin (2016).

  19. 19.

    The Soviet mathematics historian A.P. Yushkevich recorded memories of this period from mathematicians such as Dmitry Evgenevich Men’shov in Menshov (1983). Men’shov described the presence of many members of the Moscow School (himself in particular) in Paris during the 1920s.

  20. 20.

    On the question of interwar relations between French and Soviet mathematicians, see the detailed description provided by Demidov (2009). Fréchet, in 1935, made an important trip to Central and Eastern Europe, including the Soviet Union (Fréchet’s daughter lived in Leningrad at the time). For more on this trip, see Cléry and Perfettini (2016).

  21. 21.

    For more on this, see Cléry (2020)‘s dissertation.

  22. 22.

    For more on La Favière, see Dupouy et al. (2004).

  23. 23.

    Demtchenko and Riabuchinskij were connected not only professionally but also by their desire to cultivate Russian culture in France: Demtchenko became the secretary of the Russian Society of Philosophy of Science created by Riabouchinsky in 1930. In addition, in 1954 Demtchenko organized Riabouchinsky’s scientific jubilee.

  24. 24.

    Archives OFPRA, Samuel Cholodenko.

  25. 25.

    The transliteration of his name on the dissertation is given according to Stoyko.

  26. 26.

    This distinguished specialist in analytic number theory, who was professor at the University of St. Petersburg, was hostile to analytical approach proposed by the Moscow School. He too emigrated in 1929 to join his American wife in the United States. We will encounter him again in the section devoted to Kosticyn.

  27. 27.

    When he retired in 1968, Maxim Kovalevskij gave up all scientific activity and devoted his time to music—he is now mainly known for his involvement with liturgical music and Orthodox life within the Russian emigrant community, being an active member of a Catholic-orthodox association founded by his brother the priest Evgraf Kovalevskij.

  28. 28.

    For more on Chuprov, see Sheynin (2010).

  29. 29.

    OFPRA Archive. OR019.

  30. 30.

    Its original name was Nor Nakhichevan—the new Nakhichevan.

  31. 31.

    While many students from the Caucasus moved to Western Europe to circumvent the numerous restrictions imposed by universities in the empire’s capital cities, it would seem more natural for young mathematicians to flee to Germany than to France. For more on students from the Caucasus in Germany, see Mouradian et al. (1992). In her study on Armenians of France, Ter-Minassian (1988; p. 193) emphasizes that, before 1914, Paris was more a natural destination for Armenians coming from the Ottoman Empire.

  32. 32.

    It is also possible that the wave of sympathy in France towards the Armenians, who had just faced the genocide of 1915, could have played a role, as Paul Appell‘s humanitarian commitments are well known.

  33. 33.

    It may seem surprising that, at a time when violence was raging in the north and the situation of most of the people in large cities such as Moscow or Petrograd was hopeless, university life could have followed a seemingly normal course in the south. In fact, as Gousseff (2008; 35) points out, the relative abundance and peace in the south existed in sharp contrast to the chaos and terror that engulfed the capitals.

  34. 34.

    See MacMillan (2001; in particular chapter 26) or Ter-Minassian (1988; 196–197).

  35. 35.

    This is present-day Tsaghkadzor.

  36. 36.

    Blokh and Rikun (2015; 69).

  37. 37.

    According to his file in the OFPRA archives, the wedding took place on 6 September 1930 in Ixelles.

  38. 38.

    July 1921; OFPRA Archives, Kogbetliantz file.

  39. 39.

    This is demonstrated, for example, by the fact that, as early as 1926, they owned their Paris apartment located on Boulevard Brune (AN, BB/11/8778).

  40. 40.

    This went on even after the GAR split, which took place in March 1925 for political reasons and led to the creation of the Russian Academic Union in France, led by the historian and former KD leader P.N. Miliukov, and with which Kogbetliantz was affiliated.

  41. 41.

    This was a normal, or even rather short, period of time, as the process included several steps.

  42. 42.

    AN, BB/11/8778.

  43. 43.

    Poincaré’s negotiations during the establishment of the CFP, intended to benefit certain private interests in the supply of oil from France, are described in Nouschi (2001). The CFP was officially established in March 1924, just before the Cartel des Gauches came to power in May 1924, but the new leftist government accepted the fait accompli and oversaw the practical organization of the Company.

  44. 44.

    For more on this, see Bustamante et al. (2015).

  45. 45.

    Dufour was the inventor of the cathodic oscillograph. See Dufour (1920).

  46. 46.

    We do not know if Dufour and Kogbetliantz had previously interacted at the SPG. A passage in Dufour’s letter to Jacob (‘M. Kogbetliantz will hate me, but he must understand that there is no parti-pris on my side’) may indicate that these two scientists were in contact.

  47. 47.

    Louis Cagniard had also been hired as an expert physicist by the SPG in 1927, and participated in several experiments when Kogbetliantz was director. Hence, his poor opinion of his colleague’s practical aptitudes is likely to be well-informed.

  48. 48.

    CNRS Archive, Kogbetliantz’s career file.

  49. 49.

    AN, AJ/16/6982.

  50. 50.

    The case was taken quite seriously, as demonstrated by a letter from the French delegate in Persia (AN, AJ/16/6982). No doubt sending academics to Tehran would ensure a French presence in an area dominated by British influence. Also, the delegate expressed the fear that there was ample opportunity for German culture to gain increasing influence there because (dark irony!) of the number of Jewish professors—especially medical professors—who were on the job market after having been expelled from German universities when Hitler came to power.

  51. 51.

    AN, AJ/16/6982.

  52. 52.

    For more on this community and its significant involvement in the socio-economic life of the local economy, despite having a somewhat complex relationship with the authorities, see Chaqueri (1998; 131–137).

  53. 53.

    CNRS archive, Kogbetliantz file.

  54. 54.

    Kogbetliantz (1937).

  55. 55.

    http://alhassanain.org/french/?com=content&id=3320.

  56. 56.

    This was also not without consequences for the Armenian minority, according to Chaqueri (1998) (in particular 136).

  57. 57.

    CNRS archive, Kogbetliantz file.

  58. 58.

    AN Kogbetliantz naturalization.

  59. 59.

    In a new biographical record, Kogbetliantz indicated that he taught a course at the Sorbonne between March and June 1939 on his methods of interpreting geophysical observations for prospection. We did not find any additional information confirming this.

  60. 60.

    There is now a vast field of literature devoted to Florenskij, including several texts offering various perspectives on this amazing individual. See for instance Žust (2002), Betti (2009) Antonova (2010), Graham and Kantor (2009).

  61. 61.

    Demidov (1989; 130).

  62. 62.

    Ermolaeva (1989; 205).

  63. 63.

    For more on this topic see a note by S.S. Demidov in Ermolaeva (2001; 131).

  64. 64.

    Ermolaeva (2001; 132).

  65. 65.

    Blokh and Rikun (2015; 34)

  66. 66.

    Ermolaeva (2001; 134).

  67. 67.

    Blokh and Rikun (2015; 34).

  68. 68.

    For more on Shmidt and the Glavnauka, see Mazliak (2018a, b) and the references therein.

  69. 69.

    For more on the perception of science in Soviet society in the 1920s, see Mazliak (2018a, b) and the many references cited therein.

  70. 70.

    See Mazliak (2018a, b) and the references therein about the GSE, in particular Kassof (2005).

  71. 71.

    Blokh and Rikun (2015; 37).

  72. 72.

    For more on the influence of Volterra on the Parisian mathematical scene, see Mazliak (2014, 2015), and Brechenmacher et al. (2016).

  73. 73.

    Ermolaeva (2001; 143) suggests that contact between Kosticyn and Volterra could have begun in 1916: although the hypothesis is not unreasonable, it seems surprising that the Russian mathematician’s name does not appear in Volterra’s communications with any other correspondent before 1930. We also note that Volterra corresponded with very few Russians.

  74. 74.

    Kosticyn (1926).

  75. 75.

    Cited in (Blokh and Rikun (2015 ; 41).

  76. 76.

    For more on this, see, for instance, Mazliak (2018a, b; 9).

  77. 77.

    For more on the Treaty of Rapallo, see Buffet (2003).

  78. 78.

    (AJ 16 6945–6996).

  79. 79.

    For more on the subject of the instrumentalization of the Franco-German rivalry, see (Rjeoutski 2011).

  80. 80.

    Vernadskij remained in Paris until 1926 and then returned to Moscow.

  81. 81.

    See Mazliak (2018a, b)

  82. 82.

    Prenant (1951).

  83. 83.

    Kosticyn (1927).

  84. 84.

    Quoted in Genis (2017).

  85. 85.

    Quoted in Genis (2017)

  86. 86.

    Quoted in Genis (2017)

  87. 87.

    Diplomatic Archives, Nantes, Consular Office Moscow.

  88. 88.

    Roscoff Marine Station Archives.

  89. 89.

    OFRA, Kosticyn file.

  90. 90.

    Kosticyn mentioned this in the letter he sent to the Office of Russian Refugees in 1939. (OFPRA Archives, Kosticyn file).

  91. 91.

    For more on the IHP project, see Siegmund-Schultze (2001), Catellier and Mazliak (2012), and especially Cléry (2020).

  92. 92.

    Ann Univ Paris, 5, 1931, 391.

  93. 93.

    Israel and Millan-Gasca (2002; 226).

  94. 94.

    OFPRA Archives, Kosticyn File.

  95. 95.

    This was found in Fréchet’s archives (Archives of the Academy of Sciences, Paris, Fonds Fréchet).

  96. 96.

    Kosticyn’s career record at the CNRS shows that, until his death in 1963 (at the age of 75!), his grant was regularly renewed, with the support first of Fréchet and then by Fréchet’s successors at the IHP, Darmois and Fortet, the latter of whom assigned Daniel Dugué to be the Russian mathematician’s contact. Sadly enough, the last document in the file, countersigned by Daniel Dugué, announces the non-payment of the amount due to Kosticyn for 1963, several months after it should have been awarded, because of the death of the recipient, which seems to have gone unnoticed.

  97. 97.

    Kosticyn (1931).

  98. 98.

    For more on Volterra’s line functions and their relation to the problem of hysterisis, see Guerraggio and Paoloni (2013), Brechenmacher et al. (2016), Jaeck et al. (2019).

  99. 99.

    For more on this subject, see Jaeck et al. (2019) section K.

  100. 100.

    Kostitzine and Kostitzin (1931).

  101. 101.

    See, in this regard, Durand and Mazliak (2011).

  102. 102.

    It is rather ironic to note that, in 1942, the Academy of Sciences awarded Kosticyn the Montyon prize for ‘his work and his work in mathematical biology’ in the category ‘Statistics’, and that in 1943 Fréchet asked him to participate in his planned aide-mémoire on statistics. For more on this, see Mazliak (2018b).

  103. 103.

    For more on this subject, see Mazliak and Perfettini (2021) and Mazliak (2018b).

  104. 104.

    Israel and Millan-Gasca (2002; 239).

  105. 105.

    The extraordinary conference hall in Roscoff is now named after Jean Painlevé. The company ‘Les Documents Cinématographiques’ in Paris has published a number of his documentaries on DVD.

  106. 106.

    Jean Painlevé Archives, Les Documents Cinématographiques, Paris.

  107. 107.

    Israel and Millan-Gasca (2002; 186).

  108. 108.

    Laborie (2001).

  109. 109.

    For more on the particular situation of the Russians present in France during the war, see the interesting work of Anastasia Pavlova (2015).

  110. 110.

    SHD Vincennes, Kogbetliantz file.

  111. 111.

    AN, Kogbetliantz naturalization.

  112. 112.

    For more on this subject, see Dosso (2006).

  113. 113.

    CNRS Archives, Kogbetliantz file.

  114. 114.

    CNRS Archives, Kosticyn file.

  115. 115.

    Genis (2009).

  116. 116.

    October 6, 1941. Archives Préfecture de Police Paris, Surveillance des étrangers. Kosticyn file.

  117. 117.

    Prenant miraculously survived the terrible conditions in detention and resumed his activity in Paris afterwards.

  118. 118.

    Regarding Kosticyn‘s attempt to reconcile with the USSR, see Ermolaeva (2001).

French Archival sources

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Mazliak, L., Perfettini, T. (2021). Under the Protection of Alien Wings. Russian Emigrant Mathematiciancs in Interwar France: A General Picture and Two Case Studies of Ervand Kogbetliantz and Vladimir Kosticyn. In: Mazliak, L., Tazzioli, R. (eds) Mathematical Communities in the Reconstruction After the Great War 1918–1928. Trends in the History of Science. Birkhäuser, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61683-0_11

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