Abstract
This chapter first assesses the policies of recognition adopted by Colombia and New Zealand by asking to what extent they are in line with the theory of recognition. The chapter then returns to the critiques of multiculturalism and recognition raised in the second chapter and assesses the validity of these theoretical criticisms based on the analysis of the case studies. Next, the idea of a deliberative corrective to the theory of recognition is explored before offering a reconceptualisation of the theory of recognition in light of the theoretical and practical analyses that informed the eight previous chapters. This chapter’s goal is to approach an ideal equilibrium between the theoretical insights of Chaps. 2, 3 and 4 and the empirical observations and analyses of Chaps. 5, 6, 7 and 8.
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Notes
- 1.
Kymlicka.
- 2.
The ambiguities surrounding the Māori neologisms related to the concept of governance in the Māori version were covered in Chap. 7.
- 3.
Nasar Meer and Tariq Modood, “How Does Interculturalism Contrast with Multiculturalism?”, Journal of Intercultural Studies 33, no. 2 (2012).
- 4.
Elizabeth A. Povinelli, The Cunning of Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and the Making of Australian Multiculturalism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002), 176.
- 5.
Ulloa, The Ecological Native: Indigenous Peoples’ Movements and Eco-Governmentality in Colombia.
- 6.
See the example of Mapuche ethnonationalism in Chile: Victor Naguil, “Autogobierno En El País Mapuche”, Azkintuwe, no. 14 (2005).
- 7.
Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 28.
- 8.
Bargh, “Multiple Sites of Māori Political Participation”.
- 9.
Kymlicka, 143.
- 10.
Ulloa, The Ecological Native: Indigenous Peoples’ Movements and Eco-Governmentality in Colombia.
- 11.
For example, all Māori are fluent in English and many struggle with Te Reo Māori. Conversely, in Colombia, some indigenous people only speak their indigenous language and struggle with Spanish.
- 12.
Smits.
- 13.
Charles R. Hale, “Does Multiculturalism Menace? Governance, Cultural Rights and the Politics of Identity in Guatemala”, Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 3 (2002): 492.
- 14.
James D. Bowen, “Multicultural Market Democracy: Elites and Indigenous Movements in Contemporary Ecuador”, ibid., 43 (2011).
- 15.
Susan Moller Okin, “Feminism and Multiculturalism: Some Tensions”, Ethics 108, no. 4 (1998): 661–684.
- 16.
Gary E. R. Hook, “Bullock Versus the Department of Corrections: Did the Human Rights Review Tribunal Get It Wrong?”, MAI review no. 2 (2009).
- 17.
Conversely, it could be argued that a painful few minutes of flogging is more humane than wasting years trapped behind bars surrounded by dangerous criminals. This is particularly the case for indigenous people who emphasise the flogging ritual as a form of purification after which the whole community needs to welcome back (and take care of) the chastised individual.
- 18.
Rachel Sieder and Anna Barrera, “Women and Legal Pluralism: Lessons from Indigenous Governance Systems in the Andes”, 49, no. 3 (2017).
- 19.
“Manifesto: Minga of thought ‘Communication and indigenous peoples’” available at https://www.opendemocracy.net/democraciaabierta/joan-pedro-cara-ana/manifesto-minga-of-thought-communication-and-indigenous-people.
- 20.
Andrew Sharp, Justice and the Māori: Māori Claims in New Zealand Political Argument in the 1980s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 74.
- 21.
Indigenous social movements in Colombia remain very active. The latest minga was organised in May 2017.
- 22.
Tully, “Recognition and Dialogue: The Emergence of a New Field”, 85–86.
- 23.
John F. Dovidio, Samuel L. Gaertner, and Kerry Kawakami, “Intergroup Contact: The Past, Present, and the Future”, Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 6, no. 1 (2003).
- 24.
Shelley McKeown and John Dixon, “The ‘Contact Hypothesis’: Critical Reflections and Future Directions”, Social and Personality Psychology Compass 11, no. 1 (2017).
- 25.
Tully, “Recognition and Dialogue: The Emergence of a New Field”, 91.
- 26.
John O’Sullivan and Colleen Mills, “The Maori Cultural Institution of Hui: When Meeting Means More Than a Meeting”, in University of Canterbury Research Repository (2009).
- 27.
Cillian McBride, “Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Recognition”, Political Studies 53, no. 3 (2005).
- 28.
Renault, “The Theory of Recognition and Critique of Institutions”.
- 29.
Sieder and Barrera.
- 30.
Ignacio Martínez, “Democracia Para La Dignidad. Movimientos Políticos Sociales Y Ciudadanía Como Aportes a Las Reflexiones Sobre La Democracia En América Latina. El Caso Del Movimiento Zapatista”, Reis: Revista española de investigaciones sociológicas, no. 123 (2008).
- 31.
Nicolas Pirsoul, “The Deliberative Deficit of Prior Consultation Mechanisms”, Australian Journal of Political Science 54 (2019): 251–271.
- 32.
David Recondo, Controversia 121 (2008): 39–69.
- 33.
Bargh, “Multiple Sites of Māori Political Participation”.
- 34.
Robinson and Robinson, 9–11.
- 35.
Jorge M. Valadez, “Deliberation, Cultural Difference, and Indigenous Self-Governance”, The Good Society 19, no. 2 (2010): 60.
- 36.
Katherine Smits, “Deliberation and Past Injustice: Recognition and the Reasonableness of Apology in the Australian Case”, Constellations 15, no. 2 (2008): 241.
- 37.
Rational argumentation and deliberation is a feature of some Islamic school of thought for example. Nicolas Pirsoul, “Reason, Deliberation, and Democracy in Divided Societies: Perspectives from the Jafari School of Thought”, Journal of Public Deliberation 13, no. 1 (2017).
- 38.
Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
- 39.
Mansbridge et al.
- 40.
Ibid., 2.
- 41.
Ibid., 10.
- 42.
Donald D. Searing, “Studying ‘Everyday Political Talk’ in the Deliberative System”, Acta Politica 40, no. 3 (2005).
- 43.
Gutiérrez Alberto León, Hincapié Luis Alberto, and Villa Gloria María, “Potencial Social Y Político De La Planeación Local Y El Presupuesto Participativo En Medellín (Colombia) Para Fortalecer La Democracia Latinoamericana”, EURE (Santiago)—Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios Urbano Regionales 42, no. 125 (2016).
- 44.
Recondo.
- 45.
See: “Minga indígena pide diálogo directo con Santos” retrieved from https://colombia2020.elespectador.com/territorio/minga-indigena-pide-dialogo-directo-con-santos on 18/03/2018.
- 46.
Here I am not suggesting that proponents of liberal multiculturalism argue that groups are homogenous. Instead, I argue that group homogenisation, artificial as it is, is a requirement of liberal multiculturalism because multicultural policies would not work if groups were broken down into sub-units ad infinitum.
- 47.
Fishkin.
- 48.
Alisa Kessel, “Moving Beyond ‘Mozert’: Toward a Democratic Theory of Education”, Educational Philosophy and Theory 47 (2015): 1419–1434.
- 49.
Honneth, The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts.
- 50.
McBride, 502.
- 51.
Ibid., 500.
- 52.
Ibid., 502.
- 53.
Ibid., Personal emphasis added.
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Pirsoul, N. (2020). Assessing the Politics and Theory of Recognition. In: The Theory of Recognition and Multicultural Policies in Colombia and New Zealand . Palgrave Politics of Identity and Citizenship Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59426-8_9
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