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Land, Roads, Trade and Money: Balkan Banditry in Its Geographical and Economic Context

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Banditry in the Medieval Balkans, 800-1500

Part of the book series: New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture ((NABHC))

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Abstract

With few exceptions, scholars agree that banditry is a predominantly rural phenomenon. Balkan bandits infested roads and rivers both in the highlands and in the lowlands, especially in peripheral and frontier regions which rarely remained under firm state control. To be sure, very few areas in the Balkans remained free of brigand depredations during the Middle Ages. Nevertheless, certain regions were more prone to such activity than others. In the western Balkans, brigandage flourished along the ʻcaravan routesʼ which connected the Adriatic Sea with the interior of the peninsula, while in the eastern Balkans, particularly in parts of Macedonia, rural lawlessness appears to have become exceptionally common from the ninth century onwards. Although very diverse in terms of their relief and geological structure (the terrain of the western and central Balkans is far more mountainous and rugged than that of Macedonia), both areas share a common feature—they are mostly covered by thick forest and woodland, whose existence constitutes an almost necessary precondition for the development of banditry. Indeed, banditry was committed in the forest or from the forest because many roads run through the forest, and it was from there that one could ambush and attack travellers; at the same time, the forest was the first place of refuge, for staying in the woods offered an excellent opportunity to evade state authorities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Reuter 2006, 53–54.

  2. 2.

    For a detailed discussion, see Hendy 1985, 36–39; see also Dall’Aglio 2010, 403–416.

  3. 3.

    Lefort 2007, 261.

  4. 4.

    Ansbert, Historia de expeditione, 25–28 (Trans. 59–60); Odo of Deuil, De profectione, 30–32; Popović–Marjanović-Dušanić–Popović 2016, 207.

  5. 5.

    John Kinnamos, History, 204 (Trans.: 155); Radojčić 1970, 249–260; Stephenson 2000, 267.

  6. 6.

    Alexiad, 258.

  7. 7.

    Hendy 1985, 39. For an overview of the evidence, see Fejić 1995, 115–126.

  8. 8.

    Mavrommati 2012, 103.

  9. 9.

    Hendy 1985, 38.

  10. 10.

    For an overview of the ancient road network in the western Balkans, see Petrović 2013, 235–287. For the decay of public roads in the Byzantine Empire, see the discussion in Haldon 1999, 51–54. See also Filiposki 2009, 110–119; Filiposki 2017, 113–130.

  11. 11.

    Dimitroukas 1997, 341–356; Obolensky 1971, 22–23; Oikonomides 1996; Fasolo 2003.

  12. 12.

    From Belgrade another road led across the Danube to Hungary. For a detailed description of the Via Drine, see Škrivanić 1974, 43–50; Carter 1972, 140–141; Kovačević 1961, 159; Kurtović 2014, 261–263; Pinelli 2015, 189–190.

  13. 13.

    Škrivanić 1974, 53–59; Kovačević 1961, 159; Carter 1972, 141; Kurtović 2014, 264–265; Pinelli 2015, 191–192.

  14. 14.

    Škrivanić 1974, 62–71; Carter 1971, 141–142; Avramea 2002, 66; Kurtović 2014, 263–264; Pinelli 2015, 192.

  15. 15.

    Soustal 1991, 132–135; Avramea 2002, 65–66; Obolensky 1971, 17; Belke 2002, 74 n. 3, 87–90; Jireček 1877; Simeonova 2006, 103; see also Marinow 11–24.

  16. 16.

    Soustal 1991, 144–146; Avramea 2002, 67; Wendel 2005, 225–229, 242–254.

  17. 17.

    Avramea 2002, 67; Wendel 2005, 153–159; Simeonova 2006, 102–105.

  18. 18.

    Rǎdvan 2010, 136. For a recent survey on roads and their maintenance in late medieval Transylvania, see Toda 2013.

  19. 19.

    Giurescu 1997, 32, 58–60.

  20. 20.

    For the extremely dense network of secondary roads that existed in Macedonia (Mount Athos, Chalkidike peninsula, Thessaloniki and its hinterland, as well as the lower Strymon valley), some of which were paved, see the evidence from the archives of Mount Athos as summarized by Belke 2002, 86–89 with further bibliography.

  21. 21.

    McCormick 2001, 76, 402; Petrović 2013, 284; Belke 2002, 77–81, with several examples for the use of carts along the Via Militaris .

  22. 22.

    Stephenson 2000, 62–79; Laiou 2002, 17–18.

  23. 23.

    For a discussion, see Nicol 1988.

  24. 24.

    For an overview of these events, see Stephenson 2000; Fine 1987.

  25. 25.

    Venice’s search for commodities throughout the Adriatic was generated by the fact that, as its population was steadily expanding, its immediate surroundings were no longer able to adequately satisfy the city’s demands for goods; see Lane 1973, 18; Dorin 2012, 242.

  26. 26.

    As was the case with the kritai (professional judges) who travelled in Byzantine Macedonia in the tenth and eleventh centuries; Morris 2013, 235–245.

  27. 27.

    See for example Nikeph. Gregoras, History, I, 205 for the tax collectors dispatched in the countryside in 1301. In the fourteenth century, especially in eastern Macedonia, their authority frequently expanded over a broad territory; for some examples, see Maksimović 1988, 219ff.

  28. 28.

    Who could either be private or public employees; see especially Krekić 1952, 113–120; Dimitroukas 1998, 24–27. For various complaints of Byzantine authors, most notably Eustathios of Thessaloniki, regarding the efficiency of couriers, see Evaggelatou-Notara 1990, 311–317; Hunger 1978, I, 229–230.

  29. 29.

    There are numerous examples in the sources. One of the best known is the Byzantine delegation, led by Theodore Metochites, to Stefan Milutin at Skopje in 1299; Theodore Metochites, Presbeutikos, 89–119, esp. 90–94. Another well-known embassy is that under Nikephoros Gregoras to the Serbian court early in 1327 for the safe return of Eirene, daughter of Theodore Metochites and widow of John Palaiologos, who had died at Skopje; Nikeph. Gregoras, History, I, 374–383; Nikeph. Gregoras, Letters, II, 103–115, no. 32a and 115–124, no. 32b. For Venetian delegations to Serbia, see Listine, Ι, 162, 167; III, 115–117, 262. See also McCormick 2001, 175–181 and 557–561 for some other examples.

  30. 30.

    Such as Matthew Gavalas, bishop of Ephesos, who in a letter dated to June 1332 describes his adventurous trip to the city of Vrysis in Thrace: Matthew of Ephesos, Letters, 192–201, no. 64.

  31. 31.

    Several examples are presented in Sophoulis 2016.

  32. 32.

    Among them, St Gregory of Decapolis, who around the 830s decided to travel from Ephesos to Rome via the Balkans; Life of Gregory the Decapolite, 86–88; Dimitroukas 1997, 350–351; McCormick 2001, 198–203.

  33. 33.

    Cyril and Methodios may well have travelled to Great Moravia across the Balkans; see McCormick 2001, 181–197. Some twenty years later, Basil I sent a group of missionaries to the Adriatic hinterland to convert the Croats and Serbs; Life of Basil (in Theophanes continuatus), 194–197.

  34. 34.

    Some examples, including that of a certain Nicoletus intalliator de Veneciis, who promised to offer his services to the ban of Bosnia in 1341, are mentioned by Div. canc. XIII, 59; Krekić 1978b, 417.

  35. 35.

    For the displacement of the (mainly agrarian) population into Macedonia in the fourteenth century, see the Serbian chrysobull of Stephen Dušan: Acts of Panteleimon, 365; see also Laiou-Thomadakis 1977, 128–130; Charanis 1972, 127.

  36. 36.

    For the flooding of rivers and how that impeded communications in the Balkans, see Scriptor incertus, 44. For the icy northern winds, Theodore Metochites, Presbeutikos, 94.

  37. 37.

    This, for example, was the case with a number of roads along the Hebros River; see Jireček 1877, 36.

  38. 38.

    Thus, we hear of a Byzantine official by the name of Zacharias, who around 815/16 was sent on official duty in Thrace, where he was captured by the Bulgars and taken off to the khanate; Life of Niketas of Medikion, xxxi.

  39. 39.

    Matthew of Ephesos, Letters, 192; Belke 2002, 85–86. See also Naitana 1999, 41–75, at 69, for the recommendation made to Antonio de’ Medici, heading east by land, not to venture into those areas without having found someone from Ragusa to act as a guide.

  40. 40.

    Which consisted of 70 individuals; Nikeph. Gregoras, Letters, 108, no. 32a; McCormick 2001, 402.

  41. 41.

    For carts in the Crusading armies, see Odo of Deuil, De profectione, 24–25, and Belke 2002, 79–81, with more examples. For the Balkan interior, see Škrivanić 1974, 14–17.

  42. 42.

    Laiou 2012, 133.

  43. 43.

    Nikeph. Gregoras, History, I, 379; Life of Athanasios the Athonite, 151–152; Karpozilos 1993, 535–536.

  44. 44.

    Pinelli 2015, 191; Kurtović 2014, 383.

  45. 45.

    Laiou 1985, 147.

  46. 46.

    See for example Murzhev 2008, 237–238; Laiou 1985, 142–143.

  47. 47.

    Laiou 1985, 145.

  48. 48.

    Dorin 2012, 242ff.

  49. 49.

    See the examples given by Krekić 1961, 68–69; Laiou 1985, 145–146.

  50. 50.

    See Gramoty, 13–14, for the Dubrovnik charter of Ivan II Asen given to the merchants of Ragusa; see also Dubrovniški dokumenti, 30–33, no. 2. For the Ragusan colony at Vidin, see Codex diplomaticus Hungariae, II, 309–311. In general for the relations between Bulgaria and Dubrovnik, see Kostova 2018, 319–339; Kostova 2019, 115–125.

  51. 51.

    Krekić 1978b, 414.

  52. 52.

    Krekić 1978b, 414–421; Laiou 2012, 137; Sokolov 1963, 284; Jacoby 2004, 85–132. For the trading privileges of the Italian city-states, see Lilie 1984.

  53. 53.

    See for instance Kurtović 2014, 202–206; Kovačević 1961, 12, 159ff.

  54. 54.

    Laiou 1980–1981, 188, 205 and 209–210 for the presence of Byzantine traders in Dubrovnik. For Bulgarian merchants in Dubrovnik, see Dujčev 1944, 50; Murzhev 2008, 250–251.

  55. 55.

    Carter 1972, 101–102, 248–259; Dorin 2012, 242–243; Laiou 2012, 146.

  56. 56.

    Verlinden 1970, 57–140; Verlinden 1972, 23–55. On the role of Dubrovnik in the slave trade, see Krekić 1978a, 379–394; Krekić 1989, 67–75.

  57. 57.

    Dorin 2012, 251, with several examples.

  58. 58.

    Solovjev 1946, 139–162; Verlinden 1967, 683–700.

  59. 59.

    Carter 1972, 243.

  60. 60.

    It should be noted that the many lagoons along the Albanian coast rendered the region ideal for the production of the staple; Dorin 2012, 255; see also Ducellier 1981, 188–190 for the purchase of substantial quantities of Albanian salt by Ragusan merchants.

  61. 61.

    Rǎdvan 2010, 232.

  62. 62.

    Carter 1972, 259–264.

  63. 63.

    Dinić 1955–1962; Kovačević 1960, 248–258; Kovačević 1970, 133–138; Ćirković 1981, 41–49; Carter 1972, 223–239; Dorin 2012, 261.

  64. 64.

    Murray 1978, 55–94.

  65. 65.

    See in particular Reuter 2006, 42.

  66. 66.

    For evidence pertaining to the presence of coin hoards dated between the late eleventh and thirteenth centuries in Bulgaria, see, among others, Dočev 2009, 171–190; Bojadžiev 2009, 25–27, at 26; Minkova 2008, 65–93.

  67. 67.

    Metcalf 1979, 18; Hendy 1991, 637–679; Morrisson 2002, 959–960. According to Morrisson, the monetization level for the whole Byzantine economy at the height of its prosperity, towards the middle of the twelfth century, was about 46%.

  68. 68.

    Indeed, after 1204 the number of hoards found in Bulgaria increased drastically in comparison with the previous periods. At the same time, the study of single coin-finds within the urban centres, where coinage was found in substantial numbers, suggests that the increase of hoarding is paralleled by relevant increase of the single-coin circulation. It has thus been convincingly argued that the increase in hoarding was not only the result of the growing political insecurity in the region; instead, it indicates a shift from a land-based, state-commanded economy to a public economy of exchange, where more people used more money; see the excellent analysis by Murzhev 2008, 259–298.

  69. 69.

    Hristovska–Ivanišević 2006, 108–109; Dimitrijević 2001; Dimitrijević 2006.

  70. 70.

    Metcalf 1965, 286; Carter 1972, 557–558.

  71. 71.

    Krekić 1979, 241–254.

  72. 72.

    For example, in the Life of St Germanos of Kosinitza (ninth century), we hear of a Byzantine embassy on the way to Serbia, headed by two officials, who eventually agreed to pay the fee requested by Germanos’ abductors for his release. The saint is said to have owed the latter 100 golden coins; Life of Germanos of Kosinitza, 9. Several examples of the gifts carried by Serbian embassies are offered by Porčić 2016, 100–101, 103. For the types of gifts presented by Ragusan embassies to the Nemanjid court, see Monumenta ragusina, 22, 37, 234–235, 298.

  73. 73.

    Krekić 1978b, 415–416, for several examples.

  74. 74.

    Kurtović, 2012, 95.

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Sophoulis, P. (2020). Land, Roads, Trade and Money: Balkan Banditry in Its Geographical and Economic Context. In: Banditry in the Medieval Balkans, 800-1500. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-55905-2_4

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