Abstract
Most of the time, professional associations of the Roman West had no legal monopolies on a specific economic activity. Yet, they exercised a form of economic control, which is difficult to challenge but also to define precisely. To what extent did the control exercised by associations over economic life regard information? If a so-called de facto monopoly on activities existed, to what extent did it result from an unequal access to information, which depended on membership or non-membership in a professional association? This paper considers from this perspective two trading communities attested during the second and early third centuries: the corpus splendidissimum Cisalpinorum et Transalpinorum, an association of merchants from both sides of the Alps, and long-distance merchants trading olive oil from the province of Baetica. Roman collegia were able to foster and facilitate exchanges of information amongst traders, about multiple and, sometimes, complex commercial patterns. Yet associations offered integration to their members, just as much as they organised exclusion of outsiders. Furthermore a narrow elite of dignitaries dominated Roman collegia, through family networks. As a result, information was also a resource controlled by the most powerful members. Trading communities were structured in concentric circles. Traders went into partnership with their closest colleagues. Many of them belonged to a broader network, which was itself a part of an association. At each level, merchants would have defined what they kept for themselves and what they shared outside the circle. But which information did they share or not? The knowledge of diverse and reliable economic partners, with whom merchants had to get in contact, was crucial. Some associations’ members had a particular expertise on producers, transporters or public officers that they could share with peers. They played a pivotal rule between collegia representing different occupations.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
Waltzing 1895-1900: I, 193–195.
- 2.
This paper remains anonymous for the moment, but the Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire officially accepted it, for a publication in 2019.
- 3.
Tran 2020, revising AE, 1955, 184: [Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) diui Traiani] Parthici f(ilio), diui Neru(ae) [nep(oti) / Traiano Hadriano Aug(usto), po]ntif(ici) max(imo), trib(unicia) potest(ate) X[I---, co(n)s(uli) III, ] / [corp(us) codicar(iorum) nauicular(iorum) Ost(iensium) qui]bus coire et alueo Tiberis [nauigare / con]cessu(m)] est.
- 4.
Tran 2015.
- 5.
Tran 2006: 409–500.
- 6.
- 7.
Liu 2017.
- 8.
Tran 2017.
- 9.
AE 1994.671.
- 10.
Tituli Aquincenses II 632; 743.
- 11.
CIL XIII 2029: D(is) M(anibus) / M(arci) Senni Metili, Treue/ri, negotiatori / corporis splendi/dissimi Cisalpino/rum et Transalpino/rum, eiusdem cor/poris praef(ecto), fabro tig/nuario Lug(uduni) et Senniae / Iullae, coniugi eius dul/cissim(a)e, uiuae, paren/tibus merentissimis / fili(i) heredes f(aciendum) c(urauerunt) / et sub ascia dedic(auerunt).
- 12.
Mennella 2000: 125–135 (AE 2000.632). {D(is) M(anibus)} / D(is) M(anibus) / L(uci) Luperci Exessi(?), (se)uir(i) Aug(ustalis) / ciuit(ate) Heluetiorum, negoti/atoris uestiar(ii) Cisalpini et Trans/alpini, qui leg(auit) colleg(iatis) i(n) m(unicipio) N(ouariensium) HS X[-] n(ummos). According to the editor, the deceased was not only a seuir Augustalis, but also belonged to the ciuitas Heluetiorum.
- 13.
CIL V 5911: ------ / [--- negotiato]/ris Cisalpin(i) [e]t Transalpin(i), / patr(oni) coll(egii) naut(arum) Comens(ium), / hered(es) fac(iendum) cur(auerunt). See Boscolo 2004-2005.
- 14.
CIL XIII 5303; 11547; AE 1988.899: ------ / coll[eg. negotiatorum] / Cisal[pin(orum) et Transalpin(orum)] / ------. AE 1999.1121: ------ / Ci[s]alp[inorum et Trans]/[al]pin[orum ---].
- 15.
AE 1995.1141: Q(uinto) Otacil[i]o Quir(ina) Pollino, Q(uinti) Otac[ili] / Ceriali[s] filio, omnibus honor[ibus] / apud suos functo, ter immunit[ate] / a diuo [H]adr[ian(o)] don[at]o, inquis[it]or(i)] / II[I Gall]iar(um), pa[tro]no uenal(iciorum) [corporis] / Cisal[p]ino[rum] et Transalpinorum, / item [n]autar(um) Ar[ari]cor(um) [Rho]danicor(um), / ob [e]g[re]gia eius erga re[m pub]l(icam) ergaq(ue) / sin[gu]los un[i]uerso[squ]e mer[i]ta, / Helu[etii publ(ice) p]atron[o ---]e[r]is et / [inscr]ibti[oni(bus?)] qu[---]e sunt. See Raepsaet-Charlier 2012: few other Helvetian magistrates belonged to the same family, who may have owned a vast household (actually a palace) discovered near the forum of Aventicum. Furthermore, attestations of Octacilii in the countryside, in the surroundings of the city, implied great land properties.
- 16.
Raepsaet-Charlier 2012: 353, tests two restorations, ‘patrono uenal(iciorum) [item corp(oris)] Cisalpinorum et Transalpinorum’ and ‘patrono uenal(iciorum) [corporis] Cisalpinorum et Transalpinorum’. She chooses finally the second one, because the abbreviation of VENAL is sure and then only a C (and not a I) seems possible.
- 17.
- 18.
Golosetti 2016.
- 19.
CIL XIII 5096: In honorem domus diuinae, / [n]autae Aruranci Aramici / scholam de suo instruxerunt, / l(oco) d(ato) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). The Aramus must be the name of a still unknown river or lake.
- 20.
Raepsaet-Charlier 2012: 354.
- 21.
Christol 2008 and 2016; Tchernia 2011: 73–84, 315–322. We are waiting for the book resulting from C. Rico’s habilitation. See also Le Roux 1986. French scholars developed this literature in the context of a critical dialogue with J. Remesal Rodríguez (see Remesal Rodríguez 2015-2016, for a general overview of his research).
- 22.
On the use of the word mercator, see CIL VI 1935 (L. Marius Phoebus) and Remesal Rodríguez 2000: D(is) M(anibus), / L(ucio) Mario / Phoebo, / uiatori / tribunicio / decuriae maio/ris, mercatori / olei Hispani ex / prouincia / Baetica.
- 23.
On this important discovery, see also Rico 2003.
- 24.
CIL VI 1625b; 31834b (a. 147): M(arco) Petroni[o M(arci) f(ilio)] / Quir(ina) Honorat[o], / praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I Raet[orum], / trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) I Miner[uiae] / P(iae) F(idelis), praef(ecto) alae Aug(ustae) P(iae) F(idelis) [Thrac(um)], / proc(uratori) monet(ae), proc(uratori) XX hered(itatium), / proc(uratori) prou(inciae) Belg(icae) et duar(um) / Germaniar(um), proc(uratori) a ratio[n(ibus)] / Aug(usti), praef(ecto) annon(ae), praef(ecto) Aegypti, pontif(ici) minor[i], / negotiatores ole[ari(i)] / ex Baetica patron[o] / curatoribu[s] / Cassio Faus[to], / Caecilio Ho[spitali].
- 25.
AE 1980.98; 1994.194: D(ecimo) Caecilio / Onesimo, / uiatori / apparitori / Augustoru[m], / diffusori o[lear(io)] / ex Baet[ica] / here[d(es) fec(erunt)].
- 26.
CIL VI 1885; AE 1994.193: Memoriae / Caeciliae Helladis, / uxoris karissimae, / D(ecimus) Caecilius Abascantus, / lictor curiat(i)us, / diffusor olearius ex / prouincia Baetica / fecit sibi et libertis / [l]ibertabusque sui[s] / posterisque eoru[m].
- 27.
D. Caecilius Hospitalis himself appears on tituti ß from the Monte Testaccio: CIL XV 3762–3764, 3769–3781.
- 28.
CIL VI 29722: D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum), / C(aio) Sen[ti]o Reguliano, eq(uiti) R(omano), / diffus(ori) oleario ex Baetica, / curator(i) eiusdem cor/poris, negot(iatori) uinario Lugu/dun(i) in canabis consisten(ti), / curatori et patrono ei/usd(em) corporis, nautae Arari/co, patrono eiusd(em) corporis, / patrono IIIIIIuir(orum) Luguduni / consistentium, L(ucius) Silenius / Reginus, aus, et Ulattia / Metrodora et fili(i) eius/dem ponendum curauerunt, / procurante Dionysio et / Belliciano et / ------?
- 29.
AE 2001.1186: M(arco) Iul(io) H[e]rmesian[o], / diffusori olei ad annon[am] / Vrbis, c[urator]i corpo[ris] / olea[riorum st]ationi[s?] / Romul[ae, ---]i[---]te[---] / huic corpus [ole]ari[orum] / splend[idissi]mum / mer[entissimo s]tatu[am] / pon[enda]m iussit. / M(arcus) Iulius Hermes Fro[nti]nianus, / filius, honore accepto / impensam remisit. See AE 2014.613.
- 30.
AE 2001.1187; 2002.715: Miner[uae Aug(ustae)], / Valeria Qu[---] / Valeri Valentis [f(ilia)], / ad cultum operi[s] / a patre optumo exorna[ti], / in honorem corporis / oleariorum, d(onum) d(edit). AE 2002.716: Veneri Genitrici / Augustae, / Valeria Valentina, / Valeri Valentis filia, / ad cultum operis / a patre optumo exornati, / in honorem corporis / oleariorum d(onum) d(edit). M. Valerius Valens is named between 138 and 153 on few amphora found on the Monte Testaccio (CIL XV 4030–4034). See Goffaux 2012: 216–218.
- 31.
AE 1984: 526: M(arcus) Cassius M(arci) f(ilius) Gal(eria) / Sempronianus, O/lisipon(ensis), diffusor / olearius, a solo fec(it) / et dedicauit. This marble plaque was discovered with another one, which corresponds to the epitaph of Cassia Zoe, deceased when she was twenty-seven-years-old (AE 1984.527). So Sempronianus may have dedicated a private and funerary monument.
- 32.
The name of M. Iulius Hermes Frontinianus appears on tituli ß discovered in Mainz (AE 1998.995a) and perhaps at the Monte Testaccio (CIL XV 3897).
- 33.
CIL II/5.1180: M(arco) Iulio Hermesiano, / diffusori oleario, / patri pientissimo, / M(arcus) Iulius Hermes Fron/tinianus, fil(ius), et M(arcus) Iulius / Hermesianus, nep(os), / posuerunt, / accepto loco ab splendissimo ordine Astig(itano).
- 34.
CIL XIV 708 and 723 (Aphrodisius); EpOst 1356 (Musaeus); EpOst 167 (Trophi[mus]).
- 35.
CIL VI 13823: Caeciliae DD(ecimorum) Caecilior(um) / Trophimi et Logi lib(ertae) Helpidi, / D(ecimus) Caecilius Vindex auiae pientiss(imae) / fecit et libert(is) libertabusq(ue) poste/risq(ue) eius et praecepit ut ad it / sepulchrum hortus qui est cinctus / maceria et dieta aiuncta ianuae / custodiae causa sepulchro cedat, / et itum aditum ambitum sacrifi/cique faciundi causa proximis / eius recte liceat.
- 36.
Broekaert 2012.
- 37.
- 38.
CIL XIII 1996: D(is) M(anibus) / L. Hilariani Cinna/mi, ciuis Lug(udunensis), naut(a)e / Rhodanico Rho/dano nauigantis, / curatori eiusdem / corporis, negotiato/ris <ole>ari, Q(uintus) Maspe/tius Seuerianus, s<o>/cer eius, et Cl(audius) Seueri[a]/nus, amicus, idemqu[e] / heredes p(onendum) c(urauerunt) et sub / [as]cia dedicauerun[t].
- 39.
CIL XII 851: D(is) M(anibus) //Maspetiae / Sabinae, L(ucius) Hila/rianius Marti/dius coniugi ka/rissimae et in/comparabili.
- 40.
Christol 2010: 615–621.
- 41.
Bérard 2016: 47–48 ------ / [---]V[--- / ---] et ol(---) diff(---) [--- / ---] ordo sa[nctissimus ? --- / ---]DE[---] / ------.
- 42.
The letters DIFF appear on many lead seals discovered during the nineteenth century in the river Saône. The fragment makes stronger the hypothesis that diffusores olearii used such seals to identify goods sent to the Rhine area, through Lyon and the Saône valley. See also, in Arles, CIL XII 714a, discussed by H. Rougier in her unpublished PhD.
- 43.
- 44.
Christol 2008: 282.
- 45.
CIL, II/5, 1165; AE 1988.726: Caecilia Trophime statuam Pietatis ex testament(o) suo ex arg(enti) / p(ondo) C, suo et Caecili Silonis mariti sui nomine poni iussit, / D(ecimus) Caecilius Hospitalis et Caecilia D(ecimi) f(ilia) Materna et Caecilia / Philete heredes sine ulla deductione XX posuer(unt). Tchernia 2011: 76–81, 315–322.
- 46.
- 47.
Tran 2006.
- 48.
- 49.
Milano: CIL V 5738, 5612, 5446, 5447, 5854, 5869, 5914; AE 1974.343. Bergamo: CIL V 5128. Como: CIL V 5283, 5658, 5701; AE 1951.94. Novare: CIL V 6515. In a few cases, textiles workers belonged to collegia formed by fabri and centonarii.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
CAG, 69/1: 324; AE 2003.134.
- 53.
Broekaert 2015.
- 54.
Christol 2016: 42–45, especially on Dig. 50.4.5 (Scaevola 1 regul.); 50.6.6.6 (Callistratus 1 cognit.).
- 55.
Tran 2013: 1011–1013.
- 56.
Terpstra 2013 develops this idea about Ostia and trading communities based on a same geographical origin. p. 114: ‘So why would anyone have confidence in an isolated individual who, for whatever reason, was excluded from the recognized social and professional structure formed by the people from his native community?’; pp. 124–125: ‘These coalitions were so interwoven with the Ostian mercantile fabric that traders coming to the city were obligated to use them. No native trading partner would have trusted them if they stayed outside the established foreign groups and if their business conduct was therefore not controlled by group-membership. Since geographical origin defined membership, networks had the definitive power to include and exclude’.
- 57.
Como (CIL V 5295), Milano (AE 2014.520, a. 233), Brescia (AE 1977.298; CIL V 4990), Pavia? (AE 1992.792), Mantua (D. 7265), Arilicia/Verona (CIL V 4016–4017).
- 58.
He is described as a patronus nautarum Araricorum et Rhodanicorum. Yet Fr. Bérard (2012: 141) is probably right, when he assumes that Pollinus protected two separate corpora. The collegium nautarum Araricorum, on the one hand, and the collegium nautarum Rhodanicorum, on the other hand, are well-known in Lyon.
- 59.
- 60.
An association of scaphari qui Romulae negotiantur is attested in Sevilla, but preserved inscriptions do not indicate any link with the olearii. See CIL II 1168–1169, 1180, 1183.
- 61.
CIL XIII 2087.
- 62.
CIL XIII 1974: D(is) M(anibus) / et memoriae aeternae / C(ai) Vlatti Meleagri, IIIIIIuir(i) Aug(ustalis) c(olonia) C(opia) C(laudia) Aug(usta) Lug(uduni), patrono eiusdem / corpor(is), item patrono omnium / corpor(um) Lug(uduni) licite coeuntium, / Memmia Cassiana, coniunx, / sarcofago condidit et s(ub) a(scia) d(edicauit).
- 63.
CIL XII 4406: Dec(reto) IIIIIIuir(orum) / Augustal(ium), / P(ublio) Olitio / Apollonio, / IIIIIIuir(o) Aug(ustali) et / nauic(ulario) c(olonia) I(ulia) P(aterna) C(laudia) N(arbone) M(artio), / ob merita et liberali/tates eius, qui / honore decreti / usus impendium / remisit et / statuam de suo / posuit.
- 64.
CIL XV 3975 and 3976 (a. 149).
- 65.
CIL XII 4398.
Bibliography
Bang, P.F. 2008. The Roman Bazaar. A Comparative Study of Trade and Markets in a Tributary Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bérard, F. 2012. Les corporations du transport fluvial à Lyon à l’époque romaine. In Collegia. Le phénomène associatif dans l’Occident romain, ed. M. Dondin-Payre and N. Tran, 135–154. Bordeaux: Ausonius Éditions.
———. 2016. Remarques sur le commerce du vin et de l’huile à Lyon. In “Voce concordi.” Scritti per Claudio Zaccaria, ed. F. Mainardis, 39–50. Trieste: Editreg.
Boscolo, F. 2004-2005. I battellieri del lago di Como di Como in età romana. Atti e Memorie dell’Accademia Galileiana di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti in Padova, già dei Ricovrati e Patavina, Classe di Scienze Morali, Lettere ed Arti 117: 221–240.
Broekaert, W. 2012. Joining forces. Commercial partnerships or societates in the early Roman empire. Historia 61: 221–253.
———. 2015. Sticky Fingers. The Investment Structure of the Spanish Oil Business. Cahiers Mondes Anciens 7, [online: https://journals.openedition.org/mondesanciens/1598].
———. 2016. Freedmen and Agency in Roman Business. In Urban Craftsmen and Traders in the Roman World, ed. A. Wilson and M. Flohr, 222–253. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Christol, M. 2008. Annona Urbis: Remarques sur l’organisation du ravitaillement en huile de la ville de Rome au IIe siècle ap. J.-C. In Epigrafia 2006. Atti della XIVe rencontre sur l’épigraphie in onore di Silvio Panciera con altri contributi di colleghi, allievi e collaboratori, ed. M.L. Caldelli, G.L. Gregori, and S. Orlandi, 271–298. Rome: Quasar.
———. 2010. Une histoire provinciale. La Gaule narbonnaise de la fin du IIe siècle av. J.-C. au IIIe s. ap. J.-C. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne.
———. 2016. Annona Urbis: la part de l’échange. In Échanger en Méditerranée. Acteurs, pratiques et normes dans les mondes anciens, ed. A.-F. Baroni, G. Bernard, B. Le Teuff, and C. Ruiz Darasse, 37–56. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes.
Ehmig, U. 2003. Die römischen Amphoren aus Mainz. Möhnesee: Bibliopolis.
———. 2007. Tituli Picti auf Amphoren in Köln. Kölner Jahrbuch 40: 215–322.
———. 2009. Tituli Picti auf Amphoren in Köln. Kölner Jahrbuch 42: 393–445.
Goffaux, B. 2012. À la recherche des édifices collégiaux hispaniques. In Collegia. Le phénomène associatif dans l’Occident romain, ed. M. Dondin-Payre and N. Tran, 199–219. Bordeaux: Ausonius Éditions.
Golosetti, R. 2016. Les sanctuaires des grands cols alpins: entre appropriation de l’espace de marges et zone liminale. In Franges urbaines, confins territoriaux. La Gaule dans l’empire, ed. C. Besson and O. Blin, 553–572. Bordeaux: Ausonius Éditions.
Hawkins, C. 2016. Roman Artisans and the Urban Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Le Roux, P. 1986. L’huile de Bétique et le Prince: sur un itinéraire annonaire. Revue des Études Anciennes 88: 247–271.
Liou, B. 1987. Inscriptions peintes sur amphores: Fos (suite), Marseille, Toulon, Port-la-Nautique, Arles, Saint-Blaise, Saint-Martin-de-Crau, Mâcon, Calvi. Archaeonautica 7: 55–139.
———. 2003. QVINTVS CONNIVS VERNA: trois inscriptions peintes sur amphores Dressel 20 découvertes à Sainte-Colombe-lès-Vienne (Rhône). In SFECAG. Actes du Congrès de Saint-Romain-en-Gal, 589–593. Marseille: SFECAG.
Liou, B., and J.-M. Gassend. 1990. L’épave Saint-Gervais 3 à Fos-sur-Mer (milieu du IIe siècle ap. J.-C.). Inscriptions peintes sur amphores de Bétique. Vestiges de la coque. Archaeonautica 10: 157–264.
Liou, B., and R. Marichal. 1978. Les inscriptions peintes sur amphores de l’anse Saint- Gervais à Fos-sur-Mer. Archaeonautica 2: 109–181.
Liu, J. 2009. Collegia Centonariorum. The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman West. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
———. 2017. Group Membership, Trust Networks, and Social Capital: A Critical Analysis. In Works, Labour and Professions in the Roman World, ed. C. Laes and K. Verboven, 203–226. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
Martin-Kilcher, S. 2003. Lucius Urittius Verecundus, négociant à la fin du Ier siècle, et sa marchandise découverte à Mayence. In Vivre, produire et échanger: reflets méditerranéens. Mélanges offerts à Bernard Liou, ed. L. Rivet and M. Sciallano, 343–353. Montagnac: M. Mergoil.
Mennella, G. 2000. Un negotiator vestiarius cisalpinus et transalpinus a Fara Novarese. Epigraphica 62: 125–136.
Nesselhauf, H., and H. Lieb. (1959). Dritter Nachtrag zu CIL XIII, Inschriften aus den germanischen Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet. BRGK (Bericht der römish-germanischen Kommission des deutschen archäologischen Instituts) 40: 120–228..
Panciera, S. 2006. Epigrafi, epigrafia, epigrafisti: scritti vari editi e inediti (1956–2005) con note complementari e indici. Rome: Quasar.
Raepsaet-Charlier, M.-Th. 2012. Élites politiques et économiques dans les cités gallo-romaines: l’exemple des Otacilii d’Avenches. Réflexion critique sur une famille de notables helvètes. In La société romaine et ses élites. Hommages à Élizabeth Deniaux, ed. R. Baudry and S. Destephen, 347–360. Paris: Picard.
Remesal Rodríguez, J. 2000. L. Marius Phoebus Mercator olei hispani ex provincia Baetica. Consideraciones en torno a los términos mercator, negotiator y diffusor olearius ex Baetica. In Epigraphai. Miscellanea Epigrafica in onore di Lidio Gasperini, ed. G. Paci, 781–797. Rome, II: Tipigraf.
———. 2008. Olearii. In Epigrafia 2006. Atti della XIVe Rencontre sur l’épigraphie in onore di Silvio Panciera con altri contributi di colleghi, allievi e collaboratori, ed. M.L. Caldelli, G.L. Gregori, and S. Orlandi, 349–374. Rome: Quasar.
———. 2015-2016. El monte Testaccio (30 años de investigación). Tribuna d’Arqueologia: 72–87.
Rico, C. 2003. Mercatores, negotiatores et diffusores olearii et le commerce de l’huile de Bétique à destination de Rome aux Ier et IIe siècles de notre ère. REA 105: 413–433.
Roncaglia, C.E. 2018. Northern Italy in the Roman World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Tchernia, A. 2011. Les Romains et le commerce. Naples: Centre Jean Bérard.
Terpstra, T. 2013. Trading communities in the Roman world. Leiden: Brill.
Tran, N. 2006. Les membres des associations romaines. Le rang social des collegiati en Italie et en Gaule sous le Haut-Empire. Rome: École française de Rome.
———. 2013. Les statuts de travail des esclaves et des affranchis dans les grands ports du monde romain (Ier siècle av. J.-C. – IIe siècle apr. J.-C.). Annales HSS 68 (4): 999–1026.
———. 2014. Un esclave préposé au commerce de l’huile dans le port d’Arles. À propos de Dig., 14.3.13 pr. (Ulp. 28 ad ed.). In Les Affaires de Monsieur Andreau, ed. C. Apicella, M.-L. Haack, and Fr. Lerouxel, 205–212. Bordeaux: Ausonius Éditions.
———. 2015. C. Veturius Testius Amandus, les cinq corps de lénunculaires d’Ostie et la batellerie tibérine au début du IIIe siècle. MEFRA 126 (1): 131–145.
———. 2017. Entreprises de construction, vie associative et organisation du travail dans la Rome impériale et à Ostie. L’Antiquité Classique 86: 115–127.
———. 2020. Boatmen and their Corpora in the Great Ports of the Roman West (IInd – IIIrd c. AD). In Roman Port Societies through the Evidence of Inscriptions, ed. P. Arnaud and S. Keay, 85–106. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Waltzing, J.-P. 1895-1900. Étude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les Romains. Louvain: Ch. Peeters.
Wiblé, F. 2006. Le trafic commercial par le Grand Saint-Bernard à l’époque romaine. L’apport de l’épigraphie et de quelques données archéologiques. In Alpis Graia. Archéologie sans frontières au col du petit Saint-Bernard, ed. L. Apollonia, Fr. Ballet, M.-P. Feuillet, and D. Herrero, 285–289. Aoste.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2021 The Author(s)
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Tran, N. (2021). Roman Professional collegia and Economic Control: A Monopoly of Information?. In: Rosillo-López, C., García Morcillo, M. (eds) Managing Information in the Roman Economy. Palgrave Studies in Ancient Economies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54100-2_11
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54100-2_11
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-54099-9
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-54100-2
eBook Packages: Economics and FinanceEconomics and Finance (R0)