Abstract
What room is there for inclusion of third countries in EU security and defence initiatives and how does Brexit alter the politics of such inclusion? This chapter turns to the emergent power politics of third country participation in EU security and defence and makes a comparison between past EU practices toward Norway and the emerging question of the UK’s future status as a third country. It argues that whereas the EU internally heads forward on security and defence, how it deals with like-minded third country partners will be characterized by a continuation of the existing modus operandi, or muddling through. The argument is made with a specific focus on (1) the domestic level of politicization and (2) EU affordances.
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Notes
- 1.
Because non-members are not formal members of CSDP, Schimmelfennig et al. (2015) argues that there is no external differentiation, yet I treat opt-ins as political processes towards a differentiated relationship with the EU for third countries.
- 2.
Or as Sjursen (2015) describes the Norwegian foreign policy consensus: A consensus in name only due to the lack of real (Habermasian) deliberation on these issues. Whatever nature of the consensus, Norway has been a close partner to the EU in the area of defence and has shown an eagerness to take part both in defence institutions and defence policies.
- 3.
Helene Sjursen was also part of the group that wrote the report for the government.
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
Interview with Head of CSDP Section, 21 September 2018.
- 7.
Interview with PSC Ambassador, 21 September 2018.
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Svendsen, Ø. (2021). The Security and Defense Aspect of Brexit: Altering the Third Country Balance?. In: Riddervold, M., Trondal, J., Newsome, A. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises. Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51791-5_30
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