Abstract
This introduces the argument of the book that new chemistry methods and research instruments crucially changed the perception of the bodily fluids, contributing to a new system of medicine in the eighteenth century. It aims to contribute to current historiography by shifting the focus from seventeenth-century developments and the field of anatomy towards chemistry of the bodily fluids in the eighteenth century. A major running theme is the rise of the Boerhaave school, a group of physicians and chemists from all over Europe, who revalued the role of the fluids and applied themselves to the use of innovative instruments and methods to the benefit of physiology, pathology, and treatment.
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Notes
- 1.
Herman Boerhaave, Institutiones et experimenta chemiae, 2 vols (‘Paris’, 1724), 49; idem, A New Method of Chemistry: Including the Theory and Practice of that Art: Laid down on Mechanical Principles, and Accommodated to the Uses of Life, trans. Peter Shaw and Ephraim Chambers, 2 vols (London, 1727), vol. 1, 37; vol. 2, 215. On Boerhaave and the Dutch Republic, see Harold J. Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, 2007), 378–409.
- 2.
On the multiple editions of Boerhaave’s chemistry textbook, see J.R.R. Christie, ‘Historiography of Chemistry in the Eighteenth Century: Hermann Boerhaave and William Cullen’, Ambix, 41 (1994), 4–19.
- 3.
On the Dutch universities as centres of scholarly publication and the important and lucrative role of students in the book market, see Andrew Pettegree and Arthur der Weduwen, The Bookshop of the World: Making and Trading Books in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, 2019), 172–94.
- 4.
On Galenism and its protracted decline, see R.J. Hankinson, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Galen (Cambridge, 2008); Petros Bouras-Vallianatos and Barbara Zipser, eds., Brill’s Companion to the Reception of Galen (Leiden, 2019); and Matteo Favaretti Camposampiero, ‘Galenism in Early Modern Philosophy and Medicine’, in Encyclopedia of Early Modern Philosophy and the Sciences, ed. Dana Jalobeanu and Charles T. Wolfe (Cham, 2020).
- 5.
On the medicine, philosophy and impact of Paracelsus, see Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance, 2nd ed. (Basel, 1982); Charles Webster, Paracelsus: Medicine, Magic, and Mission at the End of Time (New Haven, 2008).
- 6.
On mechanical philosophy in medicine, or iatromechanism, see Theodore M. Brown, ‘Physiology and the Mechanical Philosophy in Mid-seventeenth Century England’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 51 (1977), 25–54; Anita Guerrini, ‘The Varieties of Mechanical Medicine: Borelli, Malpighi, Bellini and Pitcairne’, in Marcello Malpighi, ed. Domenico Bertoloni Meli (Florence, 1997), 111–28; Stephen Gaukroger, Descartes’ System of Natural Philosophy (Cambridge, 2002), 180–214; Vincent Aucante, La philosophie médicale de Descartes (Paris, 2006); Domenico Bertoloni Meli, Mechanism, Experiment, Disease: Marcello Malpighi and Seventeenth-Century Anatomy (Baltimore, 2011); Fabio Zampieri, Il Metodo Anatomo-Clinico Fra Meccanicismo Ed Empirismo: Marcello Malpighi, Antonio Maria Valsalva E Giovanni Battista Morgagni (Rome, 2016).
- 7.
See ‘The New Science’ in Roy Porter, The Greatest Benefit of Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity (New York, 1999), 201–44; and Andrew Wear, ‘Medicine in Early Modern Europe, 1500–1700’ in Lawrence I. Conrad et al., The Western Medical Tradition: 800 BC to AD 1800 (Cambridge, 1995), 250–361.
- 8.
Noël Chomel, Algemeen huishoudelijk-, natuur-, zedekundig- en konstwoordenboek, ed. Jacques Alexandre de Chalmot, 2nd ed. (Leiden and Leeuwarden, 1778), vol. 5, 2694. On Chomel, see Béatrice Camille Fink, ‘Le Dictionnaire oeconomique de Noël Chomel: Un pot-pourri aigre-doux’, in Diderot, l’Encyclopédie et autres études, ed. Jacques Proust, Marie Leca-Tsiomis, and Alain Sandrier (Ferney-Voltaire, 2010), 157–64. In revising Chomel’s dictionary, De Chalmot collaborated with Petrus Camper, among others. See Arianne Baggerman, Publishing Policies and Family Strategies: The Fortunes of a Dutch Publishing House in the 18th and Early 19th Centuries (Leiden, 2014), 271–6.
- 9.
Diderot, Encyclopédie, vol. 12, 537. For general overviews of physiology see Karl Eduard Rothschuh, History of Physiology, trans. Guenter B. Risse (Huntington, NY, 1973); Thomas S. Hall, Ideas of Life and Matter: Studies in the History of General Physiology, 600 B.C.–1900 A.D., 2 vols (Chicago, 1969); E.M. Tansey, ‘The Physiological Tradition’, in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine, ed. W.F. Bynum and Roy Porter (London, 1993), 120–52.
- 10.
Boerhaave, A New Method, vol. 1, 194; idem, Institutiones et experimenta chemiae, vol. 1, 146–7.
- 11.
Herman Boerhaave, A New Method of Chemistry: Including the History, Theory, and Practice of the Art, trans. Peter Shaw, 2nd ed., 2 vols (London, 1741), vol. 1, 174.
- 12.
See, for example Anita Guerrini, The Courtiers’ Anatomists: Animals and Humans in Louis XIV’s Paris (Chicago, 2015); Marieke M.A. Hendriksen, Elegant Anatomy: The Eighteenth-Century Leiden Anatomical Collections (Leiden, 2015); Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe (Farnham, 2010).
- 13.
Andrew Cunningham, ‘The Pen and the Sword: Recovering the Disciplinary Identity of Physiology and Anatomy before 1800 – I: Old Physiology–the Pen’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 33 (2002), 631–66; ‘The Pen and the Sword: Recovering the Disciplinary Identity of Physiology and Anatomy before 1800 – II: Old Anatomy–the Sword’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 34 (2003), 51–76.
- 14.
Ephraim Chambers, Cyclopaedia, or, An Universal Dictionary of the Arts and Sciences, 2 vols (London, 1728), vol. 2, 810.
- 15.
See, for example, Allen G. Debus, Chemistry and Medical Debate: Van Helmont to Boerhaave (Canton, MA, 2001); Amy Eisen Cislo, Paracelsus’s Theory of Embodiment: Conception and Gestation in Early Modern Europe (London, 2010); Georgiana D. Hedesan, An Alchemical Quest for Universal Knowledge: The ‘Christian Philosophy’ of Jan Baptist Van Helmont (1579–1644) (London, 2016); Evan R. Ragland, ‘Chymistry and Taste in the Seventeenth Century: Franciscus Dele Boë Sylvius as a Chymical Physician between Galenism and Cartesianism’, Ambix, 59 (2012), 1–21; Harm Beukers, ‘Acid Spirits and Alkaline Salts: The Iatrochemistry of Franciscus dele Boë, Sylvius’, Sartoniana, 12 (1999), 39–59.
- 16.
Evan R. Ragland, ‘Experimenting with Chymical Bodies: Reinier De Graaf’s Investigations of the Pancreas’, Early Science and Medicine, 13 (2008), 615–64; idem, “Experimenting with Chemical Bodies: Science, Medicine, and Philosophy in the Long History of Reinier de Graaf’s Experiments on Digestion, from Harvey and Descartes to Claude Bernard” (Doctoral thesis, University of Alabama, 2012).
- 17.
See, for example, Victor D. Boantza, Matter and Method in the Long Chemical Revolution: Laws of Another Order (Farnham, 2013).
- 18.
The fact that early eighteenth-century chemistry has been generally neglected is best expressed in Lawrence M. Principe, ‘A Revolution Nobody Noticed? Changes in Early Eighteenth-Century Chymistry’, in New Narratives, ed. Lawrence M. Principe (Dordrecht, 2007), 1–22. On the historiographic dominance of the chemical revolution, see Seymour Mauskopf, ‘Reflections: “A Likely Story”’, in New Narratives, ed. Lawrence M. Principe (Dordrecht, 2007), 177–93.
- 19.
See the special issue by Matthew D. Eddy, Seymour Mauskopf, and William R. Newman, eds., Chemical Knowledge in the Early Modern World (2014). See also Robert G.W. Anderson, ed. Cradle of Chemistry: The Early Years of Chemistry at the University of Edinburgh (Edinburgh, 2015); Hjalmar Fors, The Limits of Matter: Chemistry, Mining, and Enlightenment (Chicago, 2015).
- 20.
See, for example, Jonathan Simon, ‘Pharmacy and Chemistry in the Eighteenth Century: What Lessons for the History of Science?’, Osiris, 29 (2014), 283–97; John C. Powers, Inventing Chemistry: Herman Boerhaave and the Reform of the Chemical Arts (Chicago, 2012).
- 21.
William R. Newman and Lawrence M. Principe, ‘Alchemy vs. Chemistry: The Etymological Origins of a Historiographic Mistake’, Early Science and Medicine, 3 (1998), 32–65; William R. Newman, ‘From Alchemy to ‘Chymistry”, in The Cambridge History of Science, ed. Katharine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge, 2006).
- 22.
Hieronymus David Gaubius, Oratio inauguralis qua ostenditur chemiam artibus academicis jure esse inserendam (Leiden, 1731); idem, Oratio de vana vitae longae, a chemicis promissae, exspectatione (Leiden, 1734); Abraham Kaau, Declamatio academia de gaudiis alchemistarum (Leiden, 1737). See also John C. Powers, ‘Scrutinizing the Alchemists: Herman Boerhaave and the Testing of Chymistry’, in Chymists and Chymistry, ed. Lawrence M. Principe (Sagamore Beach, 2007), 227–38; and Marieke M.A. Hendriksen, ‘Criticizing Chrysopoeia? Alchemy, Chemistry, Academics and Satire in the Northern Netherlands, 1650–1750’, Isis, 109 (2018), 235–53.
- 23.
Boerhaave, A New Method, vol. 1, vi. Boerhaave, Institutiones et experimenta chemiae, vol. 1, 2.
- 24.
Boerhaave, A New Method of Chemistry, vol. 1, 174.
- 25.
Anonymous, ‘Cl. Hier. Gaubii, in Academia Lugduno-Batava professoris extraordinarii et lectoris chemiae, praelectiones publicae chemicae annorum 1731, 1732 et 1733, sive examen chemicum humorum corporis humani, habitum in auditorio chemico’, 2 vols, Bordeaux, Bibliothèque universitaire de lettres de l’Université Michel de Montaigne, Bdx.U3.Ms.4, 1731–1733, vol. 2, p. 313. Emphasis added. An exact copy of the first volume of these chemistry lectures on bodily fluids is kept at the Bibliothèque interuniversitaire, section médecine, Montpellier, Ms. H 166.
- 26.
G.A. Lindeboom, ‘Boerhaave’s Concept of the Basic Structure of the Body’, Clio Medica, 5 (1970), 203–8. Thomas Hall added that ‘Boerhaave’s causal interpretation [as] micromechanistic is, in itself, not new [but] he uses micromechanics more exhaustively and more consistently than any earlier biologist’ in Thomas Hall, Ideas of Life and Matter, vol. 1, 390.
- 27.
A.M. Luyendijk-Elshout, ‘Mechanicisme contra vitalisme: de school van Herman Boerhaave en de beginselen van het leven’, TGGNWT, 5 (1982), 16–26.
- 28.
Erwin H. Ackerknecht, A Short History of Medicine, rev. ed. (Baltimore, London, 1982), 128–9. See also G.J. Goodfield, The Growth of Scientific Physiology: Physiological Method and the Mechanist-Vitalist Controversy, Illustrated by the Problems of Respiration and Animal Heat (London, 1960); Theodore M. Brown, ‘From Mechanism to Vitalism in Eighteenth Century English Physiology’, Journal of the History of Biology, 7 (1974), 179–216. See also students’ rejection of Boerhaave’s ‘mechanistic learnings’ in Frank Huisman, ‘Medicine and Health Care in the Netherlands, 1500–1800’, in The History of Science in the Netherlands, ed. Klaas van Berkel, Albert van Helden, and Lodewijk Palm (Leiden, 1999), 239–78, here 264–6.
- 29.
Rina Knoeff, Herman Boerhaave (1668–1738): Calvinist Chemist and Physician (Amsterdam, 2002), 125–7.
- 30.
Hubert Steinke, Irritating Experiments: Haller’s Concept and the European Controversy on Irritability and Sensibility, 1750–90 (Amsterdam, 2005), 175–229. Steinke also included animism in his discussion.
- 31.
Anita Guerrini, Experimenting with Humans and Animals: From Galen to Animal Rights (Baltimore, 2003), 60–1. In the case of Scottish physician George Cheyne (1671–1743), for example, Guerrini preferred to talk about ‘a quasi-vitalistic physiology’ which arose ‘within the context of Newtonian aether theory’. See Anita Guerrini, ‘James Keill, George Cheyne, and Newtonian Physiology, 1690–1740’, Journal of the History of Biology, 18 (1985), 247–66, here 248.
- 32.
Elizabeth A. Williams, The Physical and the Moral: Anthropology, Physiology, and Philosophical Medicine in France, 1750–1850 (Cambridge, 1994), 2.
- 33.
Ibid., 11; Elizabeth A. Williams, A Cultural History of Medical Vitalism in Enlightenment Montpellier (Aldershot, 2003); Rosalyne Rey, Naissance et développement du vitalisme en France de la deuxième moitié du 18e siècle à la fin du Premier Empire (Oxford, 2000). On vitalism, see also Charles T. Wolfe and Motoichi Terada, ‘The Animal Economy as Object and Program in Montpellier Vitalism’, Science in Context, 21 (2008), 537–79; Charles T. Wolfe, ‘From Substantival to Functional Vitalism and Beyond: Animas, Organisms and Attitudes’, Eidos, 14 (2011), 212–35.
- 34.
On the history of materials see Ursula Klein and W. Lefèvre, Materials in Eighteenth-Century Science: A Historical Ontology (Cambridge, MA, 2007); Ursula Klein and E.C. Spary, eds., Materials and Expertise in Early Modern Europe: Between Market and Laboratory (Chicago, 2010); Helen Deutsch and Mary Terrall, eds., Vital Matters: Eighteenth-Century Views of Conception, Life, and Death (Toronto, 2012); E.C. Spary, Eating the Enlightenment: Food and the Sciences in Paris (Chicago, 2012).
- 35.
Albrecht von Haller, ed. Praelectiones academicae in proprias institutiones rei medicae, 6 vols (Göttingen, 1739–1744), vol. 2; vol. 5, pt. 2.
- 36.
See s.v. ‘school’. OED Online, December 2019, Oxford University Press. www.oed.com/view/Entry/172522 (accessed 21 February 2020); and s.v. ‘school’. Algemeen Nederlands Woordenboek, Instituut voor de Nederlandse taal. http://anw.inl.nl/article/school (accessed 8 June 2020).
- 37.
For the Boerhaave school in Edinburgh, see Christopher Lawrence, ‘Ornate Physicians and Learned Artisans: Edinburgh Medical Men, 1726–1776’, in William Hunter and the Eighteenth-Century Medical World, ed. William Bynum and Roy Porter (Cambridge, 1985), 153–76; Andrew Cunningham, ‘Medicine to Calm the Mind: Boerhaave’s Medical System, and Why It Was Adopted in Edinburgh’, in The Medical Enlightenment, ed. Andrew Cunningham and Roger French (Cambridge, 1990), 40–66; John C. Powers, ‘Leiden Chemistry in Edinburgh: Herman Boerhaave, James Crawford and Andrew Plummer’, in Cradle of Chemistry, ed. Robert G.W. Anderson (Edinburgh, 2015), 25–58.
- 38.
G.A. Lindeboom, Boerhaave and Great Britain: Three Lectures on Boerhaave with Particular Reference to His Relations with Great Britain (Leiden, 1974). Ackerknecht, A Short History of Medicine, 130. Roy Porter also recognised the prestige and reputation enjoyed by Boerhaave across eighteenth-century Europe in Porter, The Greatest Benefit, 246.
- 39.
E. Ashworth Underwood, Boerhaave’s Men at Leyden and After (Edinburgh, 1977). dust jacket. Willem Frijhoff has nuanced the statement that Boerhaave uniquely attracted many students from the British Isles, because there already existed a tradition of English and Scottish students at Leiden. See Frijhoff’s La société Néerlandaise et ses gradués, 1575–1814: Une recherche sérielle sur le statut des intellectuels (Amsterdam, 1981), 103–7. Martine Zoeteman nevertheless underscores the importance of Boerhaave’s reputation in attracting students from afar to Leiden in De studentenpopulatie van de Leidse universiteit, 1575–1812: ‘een volk op zyn Siams gekleet eenige mylen van Den Haag woonende’ (Leiden, 2011), 209, 62, 75–79.
- 40.
Earlier publications have recorded 178 doctoral students, such as J.E. Kroon, ‘Boerhaave als hoogleeraar-promotor’, Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde, 63 (1919), 87–99. This recount is based on the work of André Looijenga, complemented with Archieven van Senaat en Faculteiten, 1575–1877, Leiden University Library, UBL 042, MSS 348, 349, 350.
- 41.
It should be noted that Boerhaave was ‘promotor’ (doctoral advisor) in place of a colleague who was not able to attend for one reason or another on 27 occasions. Boerhaave himself was replaced by a fellow professor only 17 times.
- 42.
Underwood, Boerhaave’s Men, 99–101; Jacobus Crauford, Disputatio medica inauguralis de scorbuto (Leiden, 1707). More on Crauford see Powers, ‘Leiden Chemistry in Edinburgh’. Powers suggests that Crauford modelled his chemistry lectures after Boerhaave’s lecture course.
- 43.
Underwood, Boerhaave’s Men, 57–9.
- 44.
Out of the 468 English-speaking students who ultimately obtained their MD, only 139 graduated at Leiden. Ibid., 110–1. This may have been largely motivated by financial reasons, as graduating at Rheims, for example, was far less expensive than graduating at Leiden.
- 45.
Cunningham, ‘Medicine to Calm the Mind’; Harold J. Cook, ‘Boerhaave and the Flight from Reason in Medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 74 (2000), 221–40, here 225; Knoeff, Herman Boerhaave, 34.
- 46.
Rina Knoeff, ‘Herman Boerhaave at Leiden: Communis Europae praeceptor’, in Centres of Medical Excellence?, ed. Ole Peter Grell, Andrew Cunningham, and Jon Arrizabalaga (Farnham, 2010), 269–86; Powers, Inventing Chemistry.
- 47.
Ulricus Wilhelmus Rhode, Dissertatio inauguralis chirurgico-medica de nervi punctura (Leiden, 1720), 4.
- 48.
Powers, Inventing Chemistry, 37–62.
- 49.
Henry Pemberton, Dissertatio physico-medica inauguralis de facultate oculi, qua ad diversas rerum conspectarum distantias se accommodat (Leiden, 1719); Knoeff, ‘Herman Boerhaave at Leiden’, 283.
- 50.
Cf. Lissa Roberts, ‘The Circulation of Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Embodiment, Mobility, Learning and Knowing’, History of Technology, 31 (2012), 47–68.
- 51.
Th.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, C. Willemijn Fock, and A.J. van Dissel, Het Rapenburg: Geschiedenis van een Leidse gracht, 6 vols (Leiden, 1986–1992), vol. VIa, 401, 99. Extant copies are SK-A-2342, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum; P02634, Leiden, Museum Boerhaave; and in the Senate Room, Leiden University. On Troost’s painting of Boerhaave’s portrait, see G.A. Lindeboom, Iconographia Boerhaavii (Leiden, 1963), 7, 23.
- 52.
‘Bibliotheca Geunsiana, sive, Catalogus librorum quibus usus est vir celeberrimus Matthias van Geuns’ (Utrecht, 1818), 326. On Matthias van Geuns see J.H. Sypkens Smit, Leven en werken van Matthias van Geuns M.D., 1735–1817 (Assen, 1953).
- 53.
Wilhelm Michael von Richter, Geschichte der Medicin in Russland, 3 vols (Moscow, 1813–1817), vol. 3, 465. Johannes de Gorter was married to Susanna (1685–1758), and their other sons, David (1717–1784) and Theodorus (1720–1786), both also became physicians. Herman Boerhaave de Gorter also followed in his godfather’s footsteps, and defended his doctoral dissertation on milk and lactation. See his Disputatio medica inauguralis de lacte et lactatione (Harderwijk, 1751).
- 54.
Hieronymus David Gaubius, Oratio panegyrica in auspicium seculi terti Academiae Batavae (Leiden, 1775), 53; idem, Feestrede van Hieronymus David Gaubius by den heuglyken aanvang der derde eeuwe van Hollands Hooge Schoole te Leyden, den agsten van Sprokkelmaand 1775, trans. Pieter van den Bosch (Leiden, 1775), 89–93.
- 55.
Ibid., 94–6.
- 56.
Gaubius to Sanches, 2 February 1777 in Sophia W. Hamers-van Duynen, Hieronymus David Gaubius (1705–1780): Zijn correspondentie met Antonio Nunes Ribeiro Sanches en andere tijdgenoten (Assen and Amsterdam, 1978), 163–6.
- 57.
Hieronymus Gaubius to Anthony Adriaan van Iddekinge, Leiden, 8 February, 15 May, 24 August, and 2 September 1753, The Hague, Royal Library, 424 B 2, nr. 14, fol. 1–11. On van Iddekinge and the University of Groningen see Klaas van Berkel, Universiteit van het noorden: Vier eeuwen academisch leven in Groningen (Hilversum, 2014).
- 58.
Boerhaavian furnace, V25790, Rijksmuseum Boerhaave, Leiden. Herman Boerhaave, Elementa chemiae , quae anniversario labore docuit in publicis, privatisque scholis, 2 vols (Leiden, 1732), vol. 1, 886–9; Boerhaave, A New Method of Chemistry , vol. 1, 589–90. Boerhaave wrote that he had invented this little furnace for his own investigations around 1692. Marieke M.A. Hendriksen and Ruben E. Verwaal, ‘Boerhaave’s Furnace: Exploring Early Modern Chemistry Through Working Models’, Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 43 (2020), 385–411.
- 59.
Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 1974).
- 60.
G.A. Lindeboom, Bibliographia Boerhaaviana: List of Publications Written or Provided by H. Boerhaave or Based upon his Works and Teaching (Leiden, 1959). See this book’s Chap. 7 on semen for the publication history of Gaubius’s Institutiones pathologiae medicinales (1758).
- 61.
Many letters used here are published in G.A. Lindeboom, ed. Boerhaave’s Correspondence, 3 vols (Leiden, 1962–1979); and Hamers-van Duynen, Hieronymus David Gaubius.
- 62.
On the distinctive characteristics of student lecture notes, see Georgette Taylor, ‘Plummer to Cullen: Novelty in William Cullen’s Chemical Pedagogy’, in Cradle of Chemistry, ed. Robert G.W. Anderson (Edinburgh, 2015), 59–84.
- 63.
Georg Michael Wepfer, ‘Collegium Chymicum experimentale’, Schaffhausen, 1714. Uppsala, University Library, Waller MS cod-00068. Another example of neatly written out lecture notes is [anonymous], ‘Descripta quaedam ab Ore Hermanni Boerhaavii inter pronunciandum lectiones ejus de Chemia in 2 tomis. Lugd. Bat. Anno 1719’, 2 vols, Leiden, c. 1719–1730. British Library, London, Sloane MS 3183–3184.
- 64.
Anton Gabriel Meder, ‘Tractatus collegii chymici, anno 1710 hab., nunc vero 1713 a Dr. Meder descript. & collect’. Leiden, 1713. Groningen, University Library, HS 98.
- 65.
Rudolph Pabus to Anthony Adriaan van Iddekinge, Farnsum, 27 January 1764 in National Library, The Hague, 424 B 2 no.14. The Catalogus librorum, which lists Pabus’s contributions to the university library, also lists this manuscript.
- 66.
Herman Boerhaave, Kortbondige spreuken wegens de ziektens, te kennen en te geneezen, trans. Kornelis Love Jakobsz (Amsterdam, 1741).
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Verwaal, R.E. (2020). Introduction. In: Bodily Fluids, Chemistry and Medicine in the Eighteenth-Century Boerhaave School. Palgrave Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Medicine. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51541-6_1
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