Abstract
An examination of social factors affecting liaison use opens with a review of Labov’s pioneering approach to variation in the 1960s (Sect. 6.1), and of findings from fifty years of urban studies (Sect. 6.2). These provide a baseline set of assumptions for understanding variation in respect of liaison, as observed in the French language corpora (Sect. 6.3) from which findings have been drawn. Liaison is found to defy normal sociolinguistic expectations in respect of social class (Sect. 6.4) and gender (Sect. 6.5), but a greater consensus is found regarding change in apparent time (Sect. 6.6), for which most (but not all) studies suggest an overall decline in the use of liaison. The idiosyncratic behaviour of liaison as a variable phenomenon, and the surprising reluctance of commentators even to address this finding, are discussed in Sect. 6.7.
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Notes
- 1.
Labov does however acknowledge a debt to Gauchat (1905), whose study of variation in the Swiss village of Charmey he describes (2006: 12) as a ‘nonpareil investigation of change in progress…. full of astonishing insights’, even if its author would not have known or understood the term ‘sociolinguistic’ in its current guise.
- 2.
Extensions of the variable concept beyond phonological level to syntax or the lexicon can be problematic for precisely this reason: see for example Lavandera (1978).
- 3.
Cf. Labov (1972: 209):
the aim of linguistic research in the community must be to find out how people talk when they are not being systematically observed; yet we can only obtain this data by systematic observation.
- 4.
In stark contrast with New York, Peter Trudgill (1974a: 51–52) in Norwich found almost no-one who had had a brush with death, ands soon abandoned this question, asking informants instead to recount a situation in which they had ‘had a good laugh’ recently. The rationale here was similar in that the informant, who stands in a poor light if the story fails to be humorous, is gently pressured to concentrate on presenting a good narrative rather than monitor his/her own speech.
- 5.
Labov (1972: 120):
The speech community is not defined by any marked agreement in the use of language elements, so much as by participation in a set of shared norms; these norms may be observed in overt types of evaluative behavior, and by the uniformity of abstract patterns of variation which are invariant in respect to particular levels of language.
- 6.
Cf. Labov (1972: 208): ‘Styles may be ordered along a single dimension, measured by the amount of attention paid to speech’.
- 7.
Similarly one might argue that Trudgill’s request that his Norwich informants recall a situation in which they ‘had had a good laugh’ appeals to an established British tradition, in which a working-class accent is an important part of the persona of professional comedians.
- 8.
‘L’hétérogénéité sociolinguistique des données disponibles rend périlleuse toute vision diachronique fiable’ (Durand et al. 2009: 18).
- 9.
Use of statistical methods presupposes comparability of data, which for the reasons outlined at the end of the previous chapter cannot be assumed in the case of liaison, and is therefore problematic here.
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Hornsby, D. (2020). Liaison and Social Factors. In: Norm and Ideology in Spoken French. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49300-4_6
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