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Underwater-Underground Creatures in the Cosmologies of Postcontact Eastern Woodland and Plains Indians as Told in Oral Narratives

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Being Scioto Hopewell: Ritual Drama and Personhood in Cross-Cultural Perspective
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Abstract

The universes that Scioto, Miami, and other Ohio Hopewellian peoples experienced and cautiously engaged in during their individual daily lives and communal ceremonies were filled with a great diversity of persons and societies. These included not only human beings and their communities, but also nonhuman sentient, volitional, agentive, and social beings and their “tribes” to whom modern Westerners are not so sensitive: animals, plants, material objects, and features of the land of various species that we would call “ordinary” or “natural”, as well as creatures that we would label “extraordinary” or “mythical”. Many of these beings were similar to ones whom historic Woodland and Plains Indians recognized and with whom they interrelated, allied, and coped. A few examples best known to ethnohistorical and archaeological researchers of past Woodland and Plains Indians are the thunderers, horned serpents, and underwater panthers.

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Acknowledgements

I thank Dr. Rex Weeks for introducing me to some of the fundamental Western and Christian biases in the works of Charles Hudson and Selwyn Dewdney on historic Woodland Native American philosophy-religion and the spread of these biases into the thinking and works of many Woodland archaeologists. I also am thankful to Dr. Weeks for showing me how historic Woodland and Plains Indian oral texts are essential to understanding the ontologies, values, ethics, and world views of these peoples. I am grateful to Dr. Scott Toussaint, M.Div., D.Min., Th.D, Ph.D., for the detailed reading he gave the section on Euro-American Christian thought about good and evil, for the corrections he provided, and for deepening my understanding of this subject through our ensuing discussions. I appreciate Kitty Rainey Kolb’s generosity in drafting the base map for Figure 8.2.

Notes

  1. 1.

    The survey of historic Woodland and Plains Indians’ concepts about underwater-underground creatures that is reported in the first half of this paper is an extensive elaboration of the one that appeared in Carr and McCord (2013).

  2. 2.

    Hudson (1976:144–145) describes and illustrates the Ukte′na as having bird wings in addition to a serpent body and deer antlers. Mooney (1900) does not mention the bird wings.

  3. 3.

    One Cherokee was said to have been successful at obtaining an Ulûñsûti. “The owner keeps it wrapped in a whole deerskin, inside an earthen jar hidden away in a secret cave in the mountains. Every seven days he feeds it with the blood of small game, rubbing the blood all over the crystal as soon as the animal has been killed. Twice a year it must have the blood of a deer or some other large animal. Should he forget to feed it at the proper time it would come out of its cave at night in a shape of fire and fly through the air to slake its thirst with the lifeblood of the conjurer or some one of his people. He may save himself from this danger by telling it, when he puts it a way, that he will not need it again for a long time. It will then go quietly to sleep and feel no hunger until it is again brought out to be consulted. Then it must be fed again with blood before it is used” (Mooney 1900:298).

  4. 4.

    Scrolls that are illustrated by Dewdney (1975) and depict serpents without horns are: figures 70, 71, 77, 80–86, 93, and 94. Scrolls showing serpents with horns are: figures 71–73, 77, 80–82, 110, 113.

  5. 5.

    That the bull that guarded the west door of the Winnebago’s medicine lodge was an underwater bull is suggested by the fact that other components of the medicine lodge were made from underwater-underground beings. The eight side-supports of the lodge were yellow female snakes. These were tied together with rattlesnakes. The east door was made of a male and a female black snake, and the west of female blue snakes. Guarding the east door was a mountain lion which, by analogy to Ojibwa narratives (Landes 1968:145), would have been a form of the underwater panther or Great Lion, the supervisor of the door guards of the medicine lodge.

  6. 6.

    Historic Woodland and Plains tribes all saw earthly bears as powerful persons, but varied in their perceptions of the intentions bears had toward humans. This variation probably reflects the ambiguity of bears, both as the most human-like of nonhuman North American animals in looks and behaviors yet also as dangerous carnivores who could cagily hunt a human as game (Berres 2004:8).

     Earthly bears were widely respected across the historic Woodlands for their powers to heal, in part because they had very good claws for digging up roots—a major source of medicines (Berlo 2000:132). Bear paws and other parts were employed by healers (Berres 2004:30 and references therein; Gill and Sullivan 1992:23), including Ojibwa Midē′wiwin priests (Dewdney 1975:115, 152; Landes 1968:118). The bear was also commonly held by northern Woodland tribes to be the master of all land animals and controller of the supply of game for humans (Berres 2004:30 and references therein; Flannery and Chambers 1985:3–4; Hallowell 1926:59, 145). In addition, the historic Cherokee spoke of the close ties of bears to humans and the food they offered. Bears were said to have originated from a village of humans who decided to make their life in the forest and eat wild rather than grown foods, thus leading to their transformation into bears. These individuals promised to give humans their own flesh when humans were in need of food (Mooney 1900:325–327; see also 327–329).

     At the same time, some earthly bears also were held to be harmful. The harmful bears that obstructed doorways in the Ojibwa Midē′wiwin rite may have resided mainly on the earth rather than below. The Ojibwa also had to contend with “bear walkers” (Mukwo-bimossae): human sorcerers who would murder a rival or a person who slighted them and, after the burial of the victim, would turn themselves into a bear, disinter the body in the middle of the night, take it home, and feast on it (Dewdney 1975:116–117; but see Johnston 1995:8).

  7. 7.

    All the above comparisons are asymmetric, starting with the Ohio Hopewell corpus and looking for analogues in the historic Woodland and Plains corpus, rather than vice versa. This method of comparison is necessary in part because the geographic area of the Ohio Hopewell is only a subset of the much greater Woodland-Plains area. We can expect that Ohio Hopewell peoples were unfamiliar with some underwater-underground creatures known to other societies in some other parts of the Woodlands and Plains in both precontact and postcontact times.

  8. 8.

    The Wahpeton Dakota envisioned the tent pins that held down the covering of their Medicine Lodges to be the tiger salamander, Ambystoma tigrinum. However, qualifying Hall (1979:260), these do not appear to have been extraordinary salamanders, as they are spoken of hand in hand with the ordinary land tortoise, which is envisioned to be the poles of the Medicine Lodge. “These poles represent the land tortoise, because of all animals the land tortoise has the strongest paws and is consequently fitted to hold up the lodge” (Skinner 1920:281). In addition, the salamander tent pins do not seem to be analogous to the four powerful “water spirits” and “enormous snakes” with which Creator, in Winnebago lore, pierced the newly formed earth to stop it from spinning (Radin 1945:18; 1970:120, 164). In the Wahpeton Dakota origin myth, the newly created earth does not spin and nothing is used to pin it down (Skinner 1920:273–278). The Winnebago water spirits seem somewhat analogous, instead, to the Wahpeton Dakota unkteḣi, who are water creatures that commanded four mud divers to get earth from under the primal waters, took mud clenched in the paw of the muskrat mud diver, and blew it to create land. The unkteḣi have several forms, including horned snakes and a four-footed creature that resembles a buffalo; salamanders are not listed (Skinner 1920:339, note 44).

     No salamanders are referenced in Weeks’s (2009) comprehensive review of imagery of the Midē′wiwin and Medicine Rites. The Miami held that a lizard-man was among seven animal-men transformers and the culture hero who taught the Midē′wiwin to a Miami man (ibid., 188–190)—the only association of a lizard with a Woodland or Plains Medicine Rite.

  9. 9.

    There are at least two and possibly four Hopewellian artworks that depict parts of multiple kinds of animals from the Above and Below realms that are interwoven into one complex design, but not so as to form a single being—a “composite creature”. A copper cutout from the Copper Deposit in Mound 25 of the Hopewell site has the overall shape and interior features of a pit viper snake head. Within it is a mosaic of images of two raptor talons, two duck heads, and the eared head of a bear and/or feline (Moorehead 1922:plate 68-4). A copper cutout from the Hopewellian Bedford Mound 8 in Illinois depicts the head of a caiman or an alligator when held one way and much of two birds when inverted 180 degrees (Hall 2006). This is not a case of a single composite animal but of transformation of one animal into another depicted through rotation and inversion—a convention common in Adena and Hopewell art. Two human parietals from the Central Altar of Mound 3 at the Turner site (Willoughby 1922:57, 58, figures 23, 24) are each carved with a turtle (elements of a map/sawback turtle and/or snapping turtle) indicating the earth-turtle island. The carina on the turtle’s back may double for bird feathers, indicating an Above realm, while the turtle’s legs may double for those of a feline and indicate an underwater panther (Carr 2008c:55, 59, figure 2.9a,b), but these equivalencies cannot be substantiated.

  10. 10.

    Barbeau (1949:116) said that the Wyandots’ Snake clan had a horned serpent guardian who could change into a lion or a dwarf. He does not provide any citation. No myth describing such a change is reported in Barbeau’s 1915 monograph, Huron and Wyandot Mythology. However, he does report (1915:435, plate 10A) a stone in the Wyandot community of Lorette, Ontario, that has markings like the footprint of a dwarf and the trail of a slithering snake.

  11. 11.

    After contact, the terms for panther were extended to the lion, tiger, and leopard (Hamell 1998:262–263).

  12. 12.

    The underwater-underground panther, horned serpent, and/or bear are distinguished on the following Midē′wiwin scrolls: Dewdney (1975:90–92, 94–99, 102; figures 71–73, 77–86, 95), Hoffman (1891:plate 3A), and Landes (1968:82–83, figure 1).

  13. 13.

    “Bear emerged from Earth’s center…. He reared up and went down to the ocean. There he looked north. He saw white caps and didn’t dare cross. He saw the Point, looked out from it, but discerned nothing. He went to the south Point, saw nothing, and returned to here at the ocean. He touched the water with his right hand, but noticed no effect [on the water’s behavior]. He tried his left hand, but it too made no difference. The Great Lion happened to be ashore in the south. Bear asked him, ‘Will you help me? I can’t get across.’ ‘Oh, you do want help! You, so brave and strong!’ He touched the water with one hand and it became calm and smooth as glass. Bear said ‘Thank you!’” (Landes 1968:108).

  14. 14.

    “Now, when he [Bear] got his manito thing [midē′ lodge] constructed, then he, our Grandfather, came up and looked in. He saw no caretaker guarding the manito entrance. He gazed around and saw a midē′ manito [Lion]. He told him, ‘After he [the Manitos collectively] arrives [in this primordial mythic lodge to consider the Indians’ requests], will you not stay on guard? Perhaps the Indian will be confused [and so wander where he should not]. But he will see you and you will know how to handle it’” (Landes 1968:151).

  15. 15.

    “The Horned Serpent (‘Snake’) wrapped himself clear around the wigwam [medicine lodge]—one side was shaded by this. The guardian Tiger [Panther] asked, ‘Why is this? It seems you do not plan to direct the Indian rightly.’ Snake took a handful of dirt and opened his hand to show an Indian was there. It was black. Tiger slapped his hand, knocked out the dirt, and said they were not to leave the matter so. Tiger grabbed a handful of sand, opened his hand, and there was an Indian, glistening like glass. ‘So will we treat the Indian’ [that is, light and handsome, not dark and ugly]” (Landes 1968:94–95, as told by Hole-in-the-Sky).

     In a more elaborated version told by Hole-in-the-Sky, “Another manito visitor [Snake] came there [the midē′ lodge] to see it too. He wrapped himself all round the lodge, and one side of his body cast shade on it [the shade exposed his harmful purpose]. The old [and big] Lion [or Tiger] spoke to him. ‘Why is this? I doubt you will do the Indian any good. You are not intending rightly.’ Lion slapped his hand and knocked dirt out of it, which he saw as to be an Indian. He said, ‘You will not use the Indian that way!’ Then he [Lion] grasped a handful of sand and opened his fist to show an Indian, glistening. ‘This is what we will do with the Indian.… It is better for you [Snake] to stay out yonder [outside the lodge], no closer than within echoing distance of a child’s voice. You can take offerings of tobacco from there and sometimes there you may be of aid, perhaps to a child who dies. This is how you may be able to help the Indian’” (Landes 1968:102).

  16. 16.

    In Hoffman’s (1891:168–169, plate 3) description of the Midē′wiwin for the Red Lake reservation, Minnesota, the serpents outside the east and west doors of the first-degree lodge do not have horns. On the birchbark scrolls that Dewdney (1975) illustrates, some serpents have horns whereas others do not (see Note 4, above). Outside specifically the east and/or west doors of the first-degree lodge, serpents with horns are found on some scrolls (ibid., figures 71–73, 77, 110, 113), whereas serpents without horns are found on others (ibid., figures 70, 83, 34, 86, 93, 94). One scroll from the Cass Lake reservation, Minnesota, and illustrated by Landes (1968:82–83, figure 1) depicts hornless serpents outside the east and west doors of the first-degree lodge. She generalizes, however, for the Ojibwa at Cass Lake Reservation, Minnesota, and Manitou Reserve, Ontario, that otter guarded the door of the first-degree lodge (ibid., 145).

  17. 17.

    A much broader understanding of the possible functions of Ohio Hopewell earthworks than Byers and Romain offered is given by DeBoer (1997). He envisioned the earthworks as analogous to those of the Chachi in Ecuador, which were “multifunctional installations that served as church, capitol, court, cemetery, as well as territorial marker”, including as the locations for holiday celebrations, weddings, funerals, feasts, and games (ibid., 225, 232).

  18. 18.

    Sound, continued application of Hall’s (1979) interpretation of mound construction using water-logged soils as re-enactment of the Woodland mud diver myth and as world re-creation is found in geological studies by Van Nest (2006) and Sunderhaus and Blosser (2006:143–145). Sunderhaus and Blosser (2006:141) also tied earthwork construction at Fort Ancient to Woodland Native American notions beyond world renewal, including perhaps migration mythology, ritual purification, representation of the multi-tiered universe, and the axis mundi as a means of communication between tiers. Likewise, Birmingham, who credits Hall with the inspiration of his interpretation of the effigy mounds of Wisconsin as places where world-renewal rites were enacted (Birmingham 2010:xxi), attributed effigy mound construction to a much wider range of religious-ideological and other causes: the expression of clan totems and membership; burial of the dead; tying the group to the land and marking the group’s territory by their burying their ancestors in that place; expressing a dual kinship system and a dual cosmic organization that mirrored each other; expressing the creation of the cosmos; and re-creating the world periodically by duplicating in earthen form both its cosmological and social structure; social feasting; and creating a shared regional ethnic identity (ibid., 11, 17, 21, 31, 34–35, 201, 202).

  19. 19.

    The Catholic Church’s position that evil has no reality and Satan is not an equal to God is attributable to St. Augustine. He had been a Manichaean before converting to Catholicism, and knew well the Manichaean view of a dualism between good and evil solidified in opposing worlds and beings.

  20. 20.

    Hudson well understood that Adair’s (2005 [1775]) Christian intellectual framework was the vantage from which he observed Southeastern Indians and that he imposed it on their ways when writing about them: “there is little doubt that … Adair imposed his theory [about the Jewish origins of the American Indians] on what he was seeing and hearing. He reveals himself when he says that he does not believe that the Indians themselves understood either the spiritual or literal meaning of their religious songs (Adair 1968:98). This strongly implies that he, Adair, attempted to supply the meaning” (Hudson 1977:316). Again Hudson touches on this when he states, “In some places it is difficult or impossible to decide whether Adair is expounding an actual Hebrew parallel to Indian thought, or whether, on the contrary, the connection is completely spurious and he is expounding pure Old Testament” (ibid., 321).

  21. 21.

    Hudson realized when writing his book, The Southeastern Indians, that the ethnohistorical literature of the Indians of the Southeast is uneven in geographic and topical coverage, late in its timing, and an inadequate translation of their cultures (Hudson 1976:4, 11–14). He described his strategy of “compromise” for combining different kinds of information, where available and the best, from different tribes in order to assemble a picture of the Southeastern Indians at large (ibid., 14). However, he did not make a critical analysis of early Western observers’ Christian frameworks, their observations of the Southeastern Indians, and his own interpretations of their observations when forging a summary of Southeastern Indian life.

  22. 22.

    Another example of Hudson’s use of Judeo-Christian ideas to “translate” Southeastern Indian notions into ones understandable by a Western reader is his explanation of the myth of the origin of corn and game. “Like the Garden of Eden episode in the Old Testament, the Thunder Boys explained why the Cherokees did not live in an ideal world” (Hudson 1976:155).

     Hudson’s envisioning of the problem of describing the Southeastern Indians’ cultures in a manner that could be understood by a Western reader—the issue of translation across cultures—he expressed as follows: “The Indians of the Southeast have been inadequately portrayed by both historians and anthropologists…. One general problem has been that the Indian cultures were so different from European cultures that it has been difficult for European intellectuals to translate the life experience of Indians into terms a layman can readily understand; this problem still exists today, but it was even more acute when European colonization first began” (ibid., 4).

  23. 23.

    “Perhaps it would not be going too far to say that with respect to the Southeastern Indian belief system, witches were anomalous in the human realm in much the way that the frog, the bat, and the snake were anomalies in the animal realm. That is to say, a witch looked like an ordinary human being, but his evil nature placed him outside the human realm…. The Cherokees … say of a witch that he is u:ne:gu:tso:d′ʌ, so heartlessly evil as to be beyond forgiveness…. [T]here is no forgiveness for a witch, for his evil is intrinsic to his being” (Hudson 1976:182).

  24. 24.

    To reconstitute and enrich their religious lives, contemporary Native Americans on the Plains and in the Southeastern Woodlands have sometimes turned to influential syntheses of earlier Plains and Southeastern religious life that were written by White ethnographers and ethnohistorians with Euro-American Christian biases or dictated to them by natives who belonged to the Christian Church. Among these popular syntheses are John Neilhardt’s (1932) Black Elk Speaks; Joseph Epes Brown’s (1953) The Sacred Pipe: Black Elk’s Account of the Seven Rites of the Oglala Sioux; Thomas Mails’s (1972) The Mystic Warriors of the Plains, (1978) Sundancing at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, and (1991) Fools Crow: Wisdom and Power; and Charles Hudson’s (1976) The Southeastern Indians. Publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology and the Heye Foundation have also been mined in this way by some Woodland and Plains groups. For example, “the Cherokee High School [in Cherokee, North Carolina] uses James Mooney’s Myths of the Cherokee and Sacred Formulas of the Cherokee and Charles Hudson’s Southeastern Indians” as texts for their students to learn “Cherokee” traditions (McLachalan 1999:10–11).

     Hudson’s book has been used as a text more widely in secondary public schools in the South and in Oklahoma (Rex Weeks, personal communication 2018). These revival and educational processes have compounded the syncretism of Christianity with native Woodland and Plains religious thought and rites among contemporary Woodland and Plains tribes.

  25. 25.

    The Manitoulin Island Ojibwa “associated” but did not “equate” the Thunderers and Mishebeshu, respectively, with the Holy Spirit and the Devil. How the Manitoulin Island Ojibwa actually characterized God and the Devil, and the degree to which God and the Devil were personified and nuanced in the relational, situational world view of traditional Ojibwa culture, is not reported by Smith (1995).

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Carr, C. (2021). Underwater-Underground Creatures in the Cosmologies of Postcontact Eastern Woodland and Plains Indians as Told in Oral Narratives. In: Being Scioto Hopewell: Ritual Drama and Personhood in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44917-9_8

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