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The Scioto Hopewell Human Person as Multiple Soul-Like Essences: Society-Wide Commonalities and Age and Gender Distinctions

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Being Scioto Hopewell: Ritual Drama and Personhood in Cross-Cultural Perspective

Abstract

Imagine a silvery, milky moon-globe peeking above the horizon and shedding its first light down a long avenue lined with towering, golden-tone earthen walls and directly toward a Hopewellian skywatcher (Figure 20.1). Imagine a silvery, milky mica cutout of a larger-than-life, gracile, open human hand being laid in a tomb, palm up, almost touching with its extended fingers the head of a recently deceased Hopewell adult (Figure 20.2).

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Acknowledgements

We thank Danielle Gilbert, B.A., and Hillary Miller, B.A. and Barrett Honors student, Arizona State University, for their preliminary research on the distribution of power artifacts among body positions on Scioto Hopewell burials. Their studies guided our research design and the questions we asked. We appreciate Rebekah Parks and Katharine Rainey Kolb for drafting the map, Figure 20.8.

Notes

  1. 1.

    Some of the data, ideas, and writings in this chapter have been presented more summarily in portions of Carr et al. (2018).

  2. 2.

    “Collective consciousness” in Hertz’s and Durkheim’s terms.

  3. 3.

    We considered the possibility that metallic (copper, iron) and cannel coal celts might indicate nonshamanic leadership associated with constructing dugouts in life and, by extension, shamanic leadership for making spirit dugouts for transporting the deceased to a land of the dead (Bernardini and Carr 2005:635–637, 644; see also Eliade 1972 [1964]:335–358; Harner 1990:71; Metcalf and Huntington 1991:88). We also considered the interpretation that metallic and coal celts might have been used by warriors in funerary rites to tell of their war exploits in which they killed or captured enemies, and to provide the deceased the souls of these victims to help the deceased on the journey to an afterlife, following the Winnebago and Potawatomi practices (Radin 1970 [1923]:15, 94, 96–97, 100, 103; Ritzenthaler 1953:145). Neither of these meanings of metallic and cannel coal celts seems likely to us, given contextual matters.

  4. 4.

    Examples of representations of the four cardinal and four semicardinal directions with the center are a copper cutout geometric and an earspool from the Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Copper Deposit of symbols (Carr 2008a:56, figures 2.9F, G). Examples of depictions of the four cardinal directions and the four moon maximum north and south rise and set points are two other copper cutout geometrics from the Copper Deposit (Carr 2008a:56, figures 2.9I, J; see also Romain 1991:48, figure 16). An example of a representation of the four summer and winter solstice rise and set points is a copper cutout geometric from the Copper Deposit (Carr 2008a:136, figure 3.10; see also Romain 1991:48, figure 17). Earthworks in the Scioto drainage that mark these four solstice points are Mound City, Hopeton, Anderson, Hopewell, Seip, and Cedar Banks (summer solstice sunset and winter solstice sunrise), and Baum and Circleville (summer solstice sunrise and winter solstice sunset; Carr 2005a:86; Romain 2004; 2005:appendix 3.1). The directions of the spring and fall equinoxes were built into the Liberty earthwork (Carr 2005a:86; Romain 2004; 2005:appendix 3.1). Four of the eight moon rise and set points are most obviously marked at the High Bank earthwork (moon maximum north rise, maximum south set, minimum south rise, minimum north set), although all eight points might have been expressed (Hively and Horn 1984:S16, table 2). Some charnel houses within the Mound City earthworks had lunar orientations: moon maximum north set (Mounds 12, 15), moon maximum south set (Mound 9), moon maximum south rise (Mounds 10, 14), moon minimum north set (Mound 8; see also the Edwin Harness mound), moon minimum north rise (Mound 13; Romain 2000:152–157).

  5. 5.

    Both hands and hips were marked with earspools, breastplates, musical instruments (panpipe, flute), bear canines, and translucent or gem bifaces. Hands were additionally adorned with the power parts of other animal species, ochre paint, quartz pebbles, copper balls, and copper celts.

  6. 6.

    An exception is the Iroquois, who thought that desires and emotions derived from both an “intelligent soul” resident in the head and a “sensitive soul” resident in the bones. The intelligent soul’s wishes were thought to be generally sociable, expressed through dreams, and fulfilled with the help of the individual’s community. In contrast, the sensitive soul was said to be responsible for “violent passions”, “sadness”, and “anger”, and to be “fond of human flesh” (Chapter 18: Bodily Locations of Souls and Their Functions/Activities and Qualities).

  7. 7.

    We do not doubt that the hands or palms were thought to be locations of body souls in the eyes of Scioto Hopewell people. This inference is supported not only by the substantial number of their inhumations for which power artifacts were placed at or in the hands, but also by the broad range of kinds of power artifacts with diverse soul functions/activities placed there. The artifacts include quartz and colored pebbles; copper balls; a flute; gem Ross Barbed points; ochre paint; copper celts; earspools; jaws of wolves, big felines, and bears; and canines of bears.

  8. 8.

    Both depictions of exiting souls are most logically interpreted as the free soul, which Native North Americans in general understood to leave the body both at death and in trance. (Chapter 17; Hultkrantz 1953). If these interpretations are correct, it would imply that Hopewellian peoples in the Scioto-Paint Creek area around Hopewell Mound 25 and those around the Newark Earthwork differed from each other in where they thought the free soul to reside or to exit the body—the head versus the abdomen, respectively. (Body souls were not conceived of as departing the body in trance and, for some tribes, also not at death [Chapter 17; Hultkrantz 1953]).

  9. 9.

    The emphasis placed by Scioto Hopewell peoples on the head through marking it with power artifacts and soul-leaves-body artifacts probably relates to the head having been thought the seat of the free soul, which is important as the soul that travels to an afterlife, rather than a specialized place of exit of all or many of the souls known to Hopewell peoples.

  10. 10.

    The results are not symmetrical for the two calculations because soul-leaves-body artifacts other than mirrors are involved.

  11. 11.

    The four individuals, their sex, their soul-leaves-body artifacts, and the placements of those artifacts are: (1) Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Skeleton 279, unknown sex: mica sheet under head, galena cube on shoulders; (2) Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Burial 24, male: breastplate above head, breastplate under abdomen; (3) Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Burial 35, male?: breastplate on chest, breastplate under hips; (4) Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Skeleton 248, male: breastplate on chest, breastplate on abdomen, breastplate under hips. An additional possible case is Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Skeleton 281, unknown sex: breastplate under the body and an earspool on the body, but for which the exact body positions are not known.

  12. 12.

    The following soul locations were marked with power artifacts for the following inhumations with six, five, and four marked kinds of locations. 6 kinds of positions: Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Burial 22A—head, hands, hips, chest, neck, wrists. 5 kinds of positions: Ater Mound, Burial 51A—head, hands, hips, shoulders, abdomen. Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Burial 35—head, hips, neck, chest, wrists. Hopewell earthwork, Mound 27, Skeleton 176—head, hands, hips, wrists, abdomen. Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Burial 34—head, hips, chest, neck, wrists. 4 kinds of positions: Ater Mound, Burial 37—head, hands, chest, abdomen. Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Skeleton 248—hips, chest, shoulders, abdomen.

  13. 13.

    A total of 11 inhumations had 3 kinds of soul locations marked with power artifacts, 18 inhumations had 2 kinds of positions marked, 46 inhumations had only 1 kind of position marked, and 4 inhumations had no positions marked. Of the 46 inhumations with 1 kind of marked position, 24 had their head marked—the location that Scioto Hopewell peoples recognized to be the seat of the free soul. The sequentially next most frequently marked kinds of body positions, when only one kind was marked, closely follow the global pattern of marking for all 86 inhumations (Table 20.9): hands (13 inhumations), neck (5 inhumations), hips (3 inhumations), and chest, shoulders, and wrists (1 inhumation each).

  14. 14.

    Of the 70 inhumations with known positions of soul-leaves-body artifacts, none had all nine of the most commonly marked soul positions marked with soul-leaves-body artifacts. The highest number of locations marked for an individual is five, done for one inhumation: Ater mound, Burial 51A—head, hand, hip, shoulder, and abdomen. Two inhumations were marked at four soul locations: Hopewell earthwork, Mound 27, Skeleton 176—hand, hip, wrist, abdomen; Hopewell earthwork, Mound 25, Skeleton 248—hip, chest, shoulder, abdomen. The remaining 67 (95.7%) had fewer than half the eight most frequently marked soul positions marked with soul-leaves-body artifacts. A total of 7 inhumations had 3 soul locations marked with soul-leaves-body artifacts, 13 inhumations had 2 soul locations marked, 43 inhumations had only 1 soul position marked, and 4 inhumations had no soul positions marked. Of the 43 inhumations with 1 marked soul position, 24 had the head marked—the location that Scioto Hopewell peoples recognized to be the seat of the free soul. The sequentially next most frequently marked kinds of body positions, when only one position was marked, closely follow the global pattern of marking for all 70 inhumations with soul-leaves-body artifacts (Table 20.11): hands (7 inhumations), chest (4 inhumations), hip, neck, shoulder, and wrist (2 inhumations each).

  15. 15.

    Of the three individuals with soul-leaves-body artifacts at four or more soul locations, one had soul-leaves-body artifacts placed at the head. Similarly, of the 43 individuals with power artifacts at only one soul location, only about half the individuals (24; 55.8%) had that power artifact at the head.

  16. 16.

    Scioto Hopewell peoples repeatedly placed artifacts to aid souls in leaving the body at about 61% of the locations in which they recognized souls to reside (17 body positions of 11 kinds), and marked once another 21% (6 body positions of 3 kinds). Only 5 (18%) of the 28 body positions that Scioto Hopewell peoples knew to have souls were not decorated with soul-leaves-body artifacts (Table 20.11).

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Carr, C., Smyth, H.L. (2021). The Scioto Hopewell Human Person as Multiple Soul-Like Essences: Society-Wide Commonalities and Age and Gender Distinctions. In: Being Scioto Hopewell: Ritual Drama and Personhood in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44917-9_20

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