Abstract
A. Irving Hallowell, in his classic article, “Ojibwa Ontology, Behavior, and World View”, offered a guiding principle for the adequate and accurate description of the social lives, world views, and cultures of non-Western peoples. The principle establishes the fundamental place of a people’s own concepts of personhood and, more generally, being, in cultural description and analysis. According to Hallowell,
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Dr. Michele Stephen, Melanesian psychological anthropologist (see references), for her thoughts on my evaluation of the notion of the partible person in Melanesian ethnography, especially the works of Marilyn Strathern and Mark Mosko.
Notes
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1.
For example, physical anthropologists and bioarchaeologists quantify human skeletal populations into “minimum number of (biological) individuals”, or MNI. This is the same biological convention followed by zooarchaeologists in quantifying collections of animal skeletons.
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2.
Significantly, Goodenough (1965) had a major impact on the thinking of American archaeologists who studied precolonial social organization through mortuary remains (Binford 1971:17, also 18–23; Braun 1979:67; Peebles 1971; Saxe 1970) and who began to think about issues of personhood in precolonial societies (e.g., Braun 1979:72; Senior 1994).
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3.
Strathern (1988:131–132), whose anthropological work is inspired by Mauss’s, holds that a person contains his or her own history of social actions, giving the notion of the person a historical dimension reminiscent of, but not equivalent to, Mauss’s notion of the personnage. For Strathern, the social person is more than “the locus of roles, a constellation of statuses”, which she calls “that analytical figment of the anthropological imagination” (ibid., 132).
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4.
Given the interest of depth psychologist C. G. Jung in tribal peoples and their myths, rituals, and masks (Jung 1964:52), as well as in peoples’ beliefs about reincarnation (Jung 1960), he could easily have entertained Mauss’s concept of the personnage in terms of the unconscious mind, its archetypal content, and especially the Self. He did not, however, and limited his interpretations to tribal myths and rituals as expressions of the unconscious (Jung 1964:25, 34).
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5.
The idea of the living being in active relationship with deceased ancestors and yet unborn descendants, as envisioned by the Oglala and some other Plains and Woodland Indian groups, is distinct from the notion of the personnage as a reincarnated continuation of a deceased ancestor. (See text, The Personnage.)
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6.
Ibofanga is a nondualistic, impersonal yet creative source which is both substantial and spiritual in comprising the totality of the universe—its entities, the spiritual energies that connect them, and its order or, in Western terms, “laws” (Chaudhuri and Chaudhuri 2001:25, 116). Ibofanga does not intervene in the day-to-day details of life but is that life. Ibofanga connects with the day-to-day through four personalized assistants or abokta: Hesagedamesse, the wind principle; Pojasa, the fire principle; Wewafulla/Yewvfullv, the water spirit; and Igana Jaga/Ekunuucaku, the earth mother—the contextualized and functionally specified manifestations of Ibofanga (ibid., 26, 116). These four dualistic persons, the first two male and the second two female, integrate all other dualistic beings, human and nonhuman, with one another to form Ibofanga (ibid., 27). In all these regards, Ibofanga is analogous to Brahman, the divine ground in Hinduism, and Emptiness, the ground state of consciousness in Buddhism—named yet not dualistic, categorizable, describable, or personal, and expressed through personalized deities (see text, Hindu and Buddhist Deities).
The continuous flow of energy among beings in Creek cosmology and ontology is expressed in all aspects of their culture through notions of health and practices for healing. Creek conceive of health as smooth-flowing energy and illness as blockages or reversals in flows of energy (Chaudhuri and Chaudhuri 2001:119–120). Smooth-flowing energy and well-being are not simply matters of physical and biological conditions but, also, social relationships carried out according to social norms. For instance, in considerations of marriage, the good health of a person and her or his relatives relies on the person marrying another of proper distance, of a clan unrelated in lineal descent from at least the person’s eight great-grandparents. This marriage pattern ensures a wide network of relatives and energy flow. One means for restoring a healthy flow of energy in and through an ill person was to scratch the person on the arms and legs with a sharp implement, producing a flow of blood. Piercing and sucking were employed for like reason. Proper energy flow was also encouraged by medicines that had the right balance of the four elements—fire, wind, earth, and water—the four assistants of Ibofanga. Common examples include various herbs (earth) placed in water (water) that was heated (fire) and blown into with a long reed so as to bubble (wind) (ibid., 120–121).
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7.
The idea of a husband and a wife being one body is mirrored to a degree in the Marianad notion of the child. A child is not seen in the main as separately identifiable parts, some attributable to male substance (sperm) and others to female substances (menstrual blood, breast milk) with flows between them but, instead, as a largely undifferentiated mixture of the two (Busby 1997:264).
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8.
Societies with shamanic and shaman-like world views vary in their beliefs about whether power animals obtained by a person through visions, in contrast to clan totemic animals, reside in the person continuously (Harner 1990).
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9.
Mauss (1954 [1925]:9) understood that a taonga is a person—a socially interacting being. Beyond describing that it has its own spirit and name, he wrote: “The taonga … [is] itself a kind of individual.” “The thing given is not inert. It is alive and often personified, and strives to bring to its original clan and homeland some equivalent to take its place” (ibid, 10). “[I]t is clear that in Maori custom this bond created [between two humans] by things [exchanged] is in fact a bond between persons, since the thing itself is a person” (ibid., 10). However, in the immediately next sentence, Mauss then mistakenly makes the logical leap, “Hence it follows that to give something is to give a part of oneself[;] … one gives away what is in reality a part of one’s nature and substance, while to receive something is to receive a part of someone’s spiritual essence” (ibid., 11). Here, Mauss mistakenly equates the personhood of the giver with the personhood of the gift.
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10.
In a more recent work, Strathern (2005:122–124) takes her idealist notions about the constitution of individuals yet further. To her initial transformation of Mauss’s and Marriott’s concept of an individual composed of multiple parts that are exchanged from and given to others, and to her view that the parts are themselves transactional relationships, which are ideas, she added that the concept of the embodied relationship has both universal and specific aspects. For example, a woman from one kin group given as a bride to another kin group embodies both the idea of the specific transaction between the two specific kin groups and the idea of reciprocation between kin groups through marriage (ibid., 123).
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11.
Specifically, a “groom’s father’s clan reciprocates pig meat with bride’s father’s clan to de-conceive the groom of the blood of his father’s mother (the clan blood of bride’s own father) and the bride of her father’s mother’s blood (the clan blood of groom’s own father). Similarly, when groom’s mother’s clan and bride’s mother’s clan exchange pork, groom and bride are each de-conceived of their mother’s mother’s clan blood (or the clan blood of the other’s mother). Bride and groom are thus complementarily de-conceived of their own respective grandmothers’ clan bloods. The groom is viewed as keeping or having only the clan bloods of his father and mother (or his two grandfathers) and the bride of her father and mother (or her two grandfathers). The pig portions of these exchanges are appropriately reciprocated raw as distinct from cooked to signify the denial or rejection of kin relationship between givers and receivers” (Mosko 1983:28).
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12.
According to Mosko (1983; 1992), the deconception of a bride and groom of each of their two grandmothers and grandmothers’ clans’ blood, which occurs as a part of the marriage ceremony, is repeated at the deaths of the husband and wife. Agnatic relatives of the deceased, who give away raw food at the mortuary feast, de-conceive the deceased of the blood of his or her two grandmothers and grandmothers’ clans through the food the relatives give away. In other words, the agnatic relatives return the grandmothers’ and grandmothers’ clans’ bloods of the deceased back to those clans, while those clans receive those aspects of the blood of the deceased’s through the food they receive.
Significantly, the raw food that is given away by relatives of the deceased is identified with the blood of the deceased. This is true in several ways. First, the food is called “lost” (pange)—an identification of it with the lost, deceased individual (Mosko 1983:30). Further, the relatives of the deceased who give away the food are said to not be able to eat any of this food because it is “dirty” (iofu). It is said to be seen as a part of them; thus, to eat even a small bit of it would be cannibalism and kill them. In contrast, those who receive the food find it “clean” and can eat it because they are not related to the deceased (Mosko 1983:30). Finally, as in the marriage rites, the food given away is raw, which expresses the denial or rejection of blood relations between those who give and those who receive, in opposition to the cooked foods that a husband and wife eat in order to give their bloods to their fetus and child (see text).
(The meaning of the food exchange at a funeral is different in some way from the food exchanges at a marriage. In particular, the food exchanged in a marriage is argued by Mokso, I think rightly, to be identified with the non-agnatic bloods of the groom and bride, of which they are de-conceived. Mosko similarly interprets the food exchanged in a funeral to be the non-agnatic bloods of the deceased. However, the taboos on eating the food exchanged in a funeral restrict agnatic kin of the deceased from eating it, implying that the food is identified with agnatic kin and their blood, rather than with the non-agnatic kin and their blood supposedly being de-conceived. Further study of the ethnographic data is needed.)
The Mekeo’s identification of meat with the denial of blood relationships is also found in a myth that charters a further de-conception process that chiefs and sorcerers undergo (Mosko 1992:706–708). In one episode of the myth, the culture hero, Akaisa, feeds his people with a pig, saying it is his mother, creating precedent for the practice of a clan giving away pig meat to de-conceive a groom or bride of his or her non-agnatic blood in a marriage ceremony and, perhaps, a newly deceased person of his or her non-agnatic blood in a funeral. Further, when Akaisa’s son dies, his bones turn into wallabies, the meat of which Akaisa gives to every peace chief and sorcerer to distribute to commoners of their clan at a mortuary feast. The chiefs and sorcerers are forbidden from eating the meat, signifying their blood identity with Akaisa’s son and Akaisa, and their powers.
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13.
A Mekeo adult woman of child-bearing age remain open for longer periods of time: several weeks, prior to the period of ritualized intercourse, while she is eating enormous amounts of food to fatten and become open, during the generally three to four month period of intercourse, while pregnant, at the time of birth, and to a moderate degree for one-and-a-half years or two thereafter while she is nursing her child (Mosko 1983:25).
Analogous to the Mekeo practice of closing the body is the Kai people’s protection of their soul through using certain leaves (Rivers 1920:54).
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14.
Here, I focus on the issue of a person giving parts of him or herself away in material exchanges, and do not address the matter of a person receiving parts of others during material exchanges. For the Mekeo, coming in contact with parts of others (their leavings) is as dangerous for a person as losing parts of oneself to others (Stephen 1996a:87; see also Stephen 1995:48). Among one cannibalistic group in northern Melanesia, it is reported that the person who cuts up a victim “takes care to tie a bandage over his mouth and nose during the operation of carving in order to prevent the enraged soul of the victim from entering into his body by these apertures (Frazer 1968 [1913]:396). I have not explored the views of other Melanesian peoples on this matter.
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15.
Mauss (1954 [1925]:5) introduced his essay, The Gift, with the idea that there are “spiritual mechanisms … which oblige us to make a return gift for a gift received”, and began his analysis with an inquiry into the spiritual nature of Maori exchange items and others’ (ibid., 8–16). Thereafter, the essay focuses primarily on the moral and social natures of exchanges and return gifts.
In his final, defining, major essay, “A Category of the Human Mind: The Notion of the Person, the Notion of the Self”, Mauss (1985 [1938]:3) made very clear his concern with matters social rather than mental or emotional: “Nor shall I speak to you of psychology, anymore than I shall of linguistics. I shall leave aside everything which relates to the ‘self’ (moi), conscious personality as such. Let me merely say that it is plain … that there has never existed a human being who has not been aware, not only of his body, but also at the same time of his individuality, both spiritual and physical. The psychology of this awareness has made immense strides over the last century…. My subject is entirely different, and independent of [psychology]. It is one relating to social history.”
Émile Durkheim (1947 [1912]), founder of French sociology, held that religious experience is but a reification of society and community. He also took the position that social phenomena should be explained in social terms rather than be reduced to matters of psychology and the actions of individuals, as is done in methodological individualism (Durkheim 1964 [1895]). The similar, reductionist equation of religion with society in the British social anthropology tradition is well expressed by Firth (1955).
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16.
The paradigmatic limitations of M. Strathern’s (1988) framework for authentically describing Melanesian notions of personhood are made starkly clear in her recent article, “The Whole Person and Its Artifacts” (M. Strathern 2004). In presenting Mekeo ideas about medicine and health, despite her stated goal of taking a holistic and contextualizing approach (ibid., 9), she discusses only physical and social matters and fully omits psychological and spiritual ones. She goes so far as to call persons “objects” in relation to others (ibid., 11). Her limited view contrasts with the many ethnographic works that are cited here in the text and that describe Mekeo and other Melanesian native ideas about health, illness, and death in relation to a person’s soul(s), their integrity, and their vulnerability to sorcery designed to harm or capture them.
The restricted social and biological view of M. Strathern’s framework is continued in the works of others on “embodied exchange” and “embodied sociality” (A. Strathern and Lambeck 1998), a line of research that focuses on the body in contrast to personhood and its many dimensions. Strathern and Lambeck (1998:5) correctly call it a “new materialism.” Contrast the approaches of M. Strathern (1988; 2004) and A. Strathern and Lambeck (1998) with the more holistic approach of Knauft (1989), which encompasses the spiritual force(s) of the body in addition to its sexual, social, economic, and political dimensions.
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17.
Hultkrantz (1953:27) defined the “free soul” as “the spiritual principle which active while the body is in a passive state”. Specifically, it is the essence of an individual that is capable of traveling out of the body in sleep, trance, near death experiences, and other “twilight states” (ibid., 27, 51, 73, 241–288). The “body soul, or multiple “body souls”, “endow man with life and consciousness, and which on account of their functions, [have a] permanent connection with the body and its organs” (ibid., 27). Being more integrated with the physical body than the free soul, they do not leave the body except at death, if then. Hultkrantz’s distinction of these two basic kinds of souls was based on and extended concepts of James (1927:338–340) and Arbman (1927:85, 97, 166, 310, 371). Hultkrantz (1953) does not provide an explicit definition of a “grave ghost”. From his use of the term, it can be said to be an essence of a deceased individual that is perceived by a living individual with one sense or another to exist around a grave. Functionally, a grave ghost could be a deceased individual’s free soul that has not yet proceeded to an afterlife or has returned from it. A grave ghost could also be a body soul that hangs around the body.
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18.
This interpretation of the procreation and the origin of a person’s nature accords with Malinowski’s (1954) field observations. It contrasts with the interpretation made by Jorgensen (1983:4), who posits that the kinship tie of a Trobriand Islander to mother is through her menstrual blood, to the matriclan by the reincarnation of the baloma, and to the father by the care he provides.
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19.
Poole (1991:67) reported for the Bimin-Kuskusmin that the finiik—the masculine, socially controlled soul of the two that a person has—“gains essential sustenance from interpersonal relations.” He does not say that those relations (social exchanges) involve a person giving a portion of one’s finiik to another person, or that the finiik naturally fragments in the course of interpersonal interactions and some soul fragments end up with the other person during the interactions.
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20.
Patterson (1974–1975:231) saw the wide distribution of sorcery in Melanesia as an area-specific means for maintaining political identity of local groups, in turn related to demographic, settlement, and social patterns: “In Melanesia, it is generally true to say (as Read does of the New Guinea Highlands): ‘The area of effective social life is small … we find a highly fragmented social pattern. Members of the cultural-linguistic group seldom have any conception of common identity; each such group, furthermore, comprises a multiplicity of socially distinct, autonomous communities which are characterized by strong internal solidarity and by an external opposition with all other like communities (Read 1954:32)’…. In Melanesia the maintenance of political identity is a function of the limitation and expression of conflict within and between local groups. Inter-group accusations of sorcery, seen in this light [, are] an integral part of Melanesian polity.”
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21.
The use of the leavings of a person to harm them by sorcery is a common practice in Melanesia (Knauft 1989:225; Patterson 1974–1975:142, 218). Among the Kiai-speaking peoples of Vanuatu, sorcery performed on personal leavings and called sasau was used to kill a person through a protracted, disabling illness. A piece of the victim’s food was placed in a special place, or hung over a fire until it dried and turned black, or put into the top of a tree fern which was subsequently girdled, died, and slowly rotted (Ludvigson 1985:56). Sorcery within the community and using leavings is also reported for the Banks Islanders (Codrington 1881:283), the Sepik Ilahita Arapesh (Tuzin 1980 in Stephen 1987b:253–254), and the Sepik Abelam (Forge 1970 in Stephen 1987b:254). The Kuma of the Western highlands believe that if a big man dies, then a witch within the group must have obtained his leavings and passed it onto enemy neighbors for their use in sorcery (Stephen 1987b:259). Similarly, the Arapesh hold that illness and death are attributable to a community insider giving leavings of the victim to a sorcerer outside the community (Patterson 1974–1975:218).
All of these practices follow the logic that a person’s bodily parts contain one’s spiritual essence. Also following this logic, but not involving leavings, is the Bimin-Kuskusmin practice of eating a part of a slain enemy. Young warriors were given a small piece of the dried penis of a slain enemy, mixed with banana, to make them successful in catching and killing enemies (Knauft 1989:231, 233). In a community in the Southeast Highlands of New Guinea, the deceased were eaten by their female kin to prevent the escape and dispersal of the deceased’s life force (ibid., 234, 238).
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22.
Malinowski (1961 [1922]:345) tells us that the Trobrianders “feel uncertain about the good will of their partners, with whom they have so often traded … [and have] apprehensions of danger, and develop a special magical apparatus to meet the natives of Dobu. … The main attitude of a [Trobriander] to other, alien groups is that of hostility and mistrust … [A] wall of suspicion, misunderstanding and latent enmity divides him from even near neighbors.” “[T]his waiving of the general taboo on strangers must be justified and bridged over by magic.”
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23.
The argument made here, that the Trobriand Islanders, Mekeo, and other Melanesians widely do not conceive and experience themselves as giving parts of themselves away during ritual exchanges of preciosities and foods and during everyday social interactions because of their fear of having their vital essence(s) harmed or stolen through sorcery, causing illness and death, is supported by Stephen’s reading of Mekeo social relations and exchange. “Contact with another person’s body dirt [faga ofuga, see text] is not simply regarded as repugnant, it is believed to cause sickness and even death…. Body dirt of all kinds is dangerous to the person from whom it originates and it is powerful in the sense that it can be employed [by others, sorcerers] to harm the person concerned” through hurting or imprisoning the person’s dream-soul, lalauga, which is attracted to one’s body parts (Stephen 1995:48–49). “At one level, social interaction could be analyzed, in the manner Mosko (1985) has described for Bush Mekeo culture, as managing flows of substance between bodies in the continuous processes of digestion, elimination, conception, birth, and death…. But to describe Mekeo society thus would be to represent it in a way foreign to the way in which Mekeo themselves usually speak of their social world” (Stephen 1995:50).
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24.
Soul loss and retrieval are reported, however, for the Calusa (Marquardt 2004:210) and Seminole (Hudson 1976:344).
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25.
The description of the Apache Sunrise Ceremony given here is drawn primarily from Basso’s (1966; 1970) ethnographic study of the Western Apache of the Fort Apache Reservation, around Cibeque, Arizona. Opler’s (1941) study of the Chiricahua Apache in northern Mexico parallel’s Basso’s account, with Basso giving more attention to the puberty rites and Opler detailing the masked dances and social dances. Boyer and Gayton’s (1992) descriptions of several Sunrise Ceremonies of the Chiricahua Apache tradition are brief. Brandt’s study of the Apaches of the San Carlos Reservation, Arizona, south of the Fort Apache Reservation, provides complementary information on the transference of the qualities of respected womanhood to the initiate (Brandt 2010, personal communication).
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26.
The day before the part of the Cibique Apache na ih es ceremony when the initiate is given respected womanly attributes, a substantial amount of food that has been assembled by the sponsor and her matrilineal kin is offered to the initiate and her kin. At the end of the ceremony, the initiate’s matrilineal kin reciprocate with food given to the sponsor and her matrilineal kin. The reciprocal exchange creates a life-long, binding relationship between the two, called sitike—“my very close friend” and, by extension, “all that I have you may consider yours” (Basso 1966:146–147; 1970:56–58, 60, 63). However, this exchange of food is not a part of that portion of the na ih es ceremony when respected womanly attributes and life essence is transferred from the sponsor to the initiate. Moreover, the initiate does not take any part in the exchange of food (Basso 1966:146). In the food exchange, the Apache do not give their vital essence or other parts of themselves away along with the food they offer, in contrast to the nature of exchange that Strathern (1988) hypothesized for Melanesia and Marriott (1976) hypothesized for India.
Also note that the various moral and respected qualities that the sponsor transfers to the initiate are associated with the life essence of the sponsor, some of which also is transferred. The composite Apache concept of a moral quality combined with life essence is similar to Schneider’s (1968) finding of a particular code of conduct (one enjoining love) and an inherited bodily substance (blood) in combination defining kinship in American culture and Inden’s (1976 [1972]:9–22) like finding of a moral code of conduct and an inherited bodily substance together defining castes and clan in Bengali culture in India—what Marriott (1976:109–110) labels “substance-codes.” “Particles” of these substance codes were hypothesized by Marriott (1976:110–111) to be exchanged among East Indians in the course of parentage, marriage, services, and other interpersonal contacts such as trade, payments, alms, feasts, other prestations, words, ideas, and appearances.
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27.
Geller’s (2012) conceptual framework involves two other conceptual problems. First, she describes (ibid., 123) how a memorialized, relic skeletal part of an individual may serve at a later time as a representation of the whole individual (e.g., a saint). This is synecdoche—where a part is taken to represent the whole. The situation is logically distinct from an individual being conceived to be composed of multiple parts drawn from other individuals. Second, in bridging Strathern’s framework to the Maya (ibid., 124), she interprets the single, inner personal soul, aanma, recognized by contemporary Santiago Guatemalan Maya and said by them to be manifested in the blood, the heart, detached hair, and nail clippings instead as multiple parts of a partible dividual. This false identification of partibility is then used to argue, without actual basis, that archaeological instances of disarticulated Maya skeletons indicate past Maya peoples’ belief in the partible person.
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28.
Wagner’s (1991) use of the term “fractal person” makes more precise what Strathern (1991c) had previously labeled the “cyborg” person.
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29.
Wagner (1991) provides several other examples of what he regards the fractal organization of Melanesian individuals and societies, but these cases actually illustrate other forms of patterning: relationships (ibid., 164), recursiveness (ibid., 166), metaphor (ibid., 9, 168, 170), and variants that do not differ in scale (ibid., 173).
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30.
Big men systems “promote competitive exchanges, the transfer of women against bridewealth, and war compensation procedures that allow wealth to substitute for homicide.” Great men systems, in contrast, “flourish where public life turns on male initiation rather than ceremonial exchange, on direct exchange of women in marriage and on warfare pursued as homicide for homicide.” Beyond these institutions, then, lies a difference that Godelier locates in the fundamental way in which men transact with one another. In his words, “the relevant question is whether exchanges between groups and individuals depend on a quest for nonequivalence, and thus incorporate principles of calculated disequilibrium or unequal exchange (as in the substitution of human lives for wealth); or whether they rest on principles of equivalence and on mechanisms designed to restore equilibrium (wealth for wealth, life for life).” The former system depends on the accumulation, circulation, and redistribution of material wealth, which forms the basis for relations of domination by a big man, whereas the latter system does not depend on material wealth and domination by great men is achieved by their ritual and other powers (Strathern 1991b:198–199).
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31.
The collective of a society with multiple great men is unified not by a single leader but by initiation rites that give adult men the same capacity. In the case of the Baruya, which Strathern uses to make her points, the shared capacity of adult men is to transform cross-sex into same-sex relations (Strathern 1991a:212).
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32.
A different model of the personhood of Melanesian and Polynesian leaders, based on the case of the Mekeo hereditary chief, is offered by Mosko (1992). The model poses chiefs to be partible persons but not fractal persons, and to de-conceive themselves of their parts/relationships with others rather than gathering in and encompassing relationships with others.
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33.
Rumsey (2000) points out that not all linguistic instances that might appear to be the “Heroic I” can be interpreted in this manner. This qualification, however, does not compromise the validity of Sahlins’s (1985b:47) basic observation of how some Polynesian chiefs were envisioned as encompassing larger social segments like a ramage or chiefdom, and the indication of this in a chief’s use of “I” for such larger units.
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34.
The Iqwaye hold that the first five men were made by the fragmenting of the creator, Omalyce, into the sky, earth, sun, moon, and a myriad of beings, after which he formed the men from mud (Gell 1999:53). Humans and other aspects of the cosmos, then, were parts of Omalyce as a whole being. However, humans do not encompass all that constituted Omalyce: they do not encompass the sky, sun, moon, and nonhuman beings. Humans are best described as having been “nested” within Omalyce, rather than fractals of Omalyce; and Omalyce is best understood as a nested person than as a fractal person.
In the Gimi case, a pair of sacred flutes is interpreted by Gell as a person who incorporates the female capacity for reproduction in their likeness to the tubular birth canal and the male capacity for reproduction in their likeness to the tubular penis. In a myth, males steal the flutes from females, affording males both masculine and feminine capacities for reproduction via their bodies and the flutes, while females retain their feminine capacities for reproduction in their bodies (Gell 1999:55–57). This structure is not fractal. Male bodies are not composed of male and female genitals as the flutes are envisioned to be; males are not fractals of the flutes. Likewise, female bodies are not composed of female and male genitals as the flutes are envisioned to be; females are not fractals of the flutes. Also, it is not clear that the Gimi recognize flutes are as persons with consciousness, will, and other human qualities. Finally, even if it is granted that the flutes were fully equated with male and female genitals in the minds of the Gimi, there remains the problem that, in the myth, prior to the theft of the flutes, only women possessed both male and female genitals (bodily and flute), while men possessed only male genitals. After the theft, the situation is reversed. At no one time are men and women both fractals of the flutes.
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35.
The ability of some members of the False Face Society to hold coals in their hands and mouths without being burnt while performing healing rites was attributed to the False Face masks, which gave the wearer the power to withstand extremes of heat and cold (Blau 1967:255). See Holm (1972:14) and MacNair et al. (1998:34) for descriptions of masks affecting the mask wearer in Pacific Northwest Coast Indian societies.
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36.
The Plains Mekeo conceive of both waking consciousness and the lalauga of one’s dreams to be parts of oneself, but associate waking consciousness more firmly with oneself. “Thus, actions of the [lalauga in one’s dreams] are related [to listeners] in the third person, at least at the beginning of the dream account, making it clear that the dream is not my action, but the action of my [lalauga]. Often the first person may be resumed during the dream account” (Stephen 1989:164). The lalauga “is me and yet not me” (ibid., 179).
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37.
In a few instances, specific Northwest Coast shutter masks in museum collections are known from ethnographic records to depict specific origin myths of family, clan, or village. Most Northwest Coast shutter masks in collections can only be correlated to an origin myth indirectly through the commonality of the beings depicted in the mask and those in the myth.
Examples of shutter masks that depict ancestral beings are shown in Malin (1978:plates 1, 8A, 8B, 18, 28), MacNair et al. (1998:95, figures 22A, 22B, 26, 74A, 74B, 89, 93), and possibly Barrow and Grabert (1968:32).
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Less commonly, the founding ancestors of social groups were creatures of the undersea world. For example, the monster ’Namxxelagiyu, who had a glowing crystal on his forehead, “emerged from the water at the mouth of the Nimpkish River and transformed to become the man standing on its bank. In this form, he began to build a house which he could complete only with the assistance of a Thunderbird. Together, the two became founders of the ’Namgis tribe” (MacNair et al. 1998:129). Examples of shutter masks that depict ancestral beings from the undersea world are shown in Malin (1978:plates 1, 18, 28) and probably MacNair et al. (1998:plates 22A, 22B, 89, 93).
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I have not seen in publication shutter masks that are known by their documented association with a narrative to show animal-to-animal transformation rather than a sequence of crests or narrative episodes.
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These other particulars of Kwakiutl knowledge that reveal their views on ontology, and a broader discussion of Kwakiutl ontology, ritual, and masks, are given by Coons (2004).
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In West Greenland, the soul of a human was also thought to look like a human but be much smaller (Birket-Smith 1959:163).
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Furthermore, Hallowell (1960:39) says, “Metamorphosis to the Ojibwa mind is an earmark of ‘power.’ Within the category of [human and other-than-human] persons, there is a graduation of power. Other-than-human persons occupy the top rank in the power hierarchy of animate being. Human beings do not differ from them in kind, but in power … while the potentiality for metamorphosis exists [among humans] and may even be experienced, any outward manifestation is inextricably associated with unusual power. …And power of this degree can be acquired by human beings [only] through the help of ‘other-than-human’ persons.”
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In an instance of the Four Nights Wake of the Winnebago reported by Radin, a bear clan member speaks of his clansman and facilitates his clansman’s strength on the journey to the spirit land, saying, “[H]is claws will be sharp and his teeth will be sharp” (Radin 1923:149), that is, the deceased human transforms and takes on some of the physical characteristics of his clan’s animal eponym.
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In both the dGe-lugs-pa Tibetan tradition (Lati and Hopkins 1985) and rNying-ma-pa Tibetan tradition (Evans-Wentz 1960; Lodö 1987:3–5), death is experienced as the sequential “dissolution” of eight aspects of oneself (life-bearing winds, subtle aspects of mind), bringing a “swoon”, followed by a reaggregation into a subtler body and reawakening into the Chos-nyid Bardo realm or state of consciousness. For some individuals of lesser enlightenment, dissolution and reaggregation occur a second time (Evans-Wentz 1960:29; Lati and Hopkins 1985:20) and lead to the deceased experiencing the Srid-pa’i Bardo realm or state of consciousness. In the dGe-lugs-pa tradition, the deceased may experience up to six more dissolutions, reaggregations, and awakenings in the course of experiencing different aspects of the Srid-pa’i Bardo, depending on how long it takes the deceased to locate an appropriate womb for rebirth (Lati and Hopkins 1985:19, 49–51). See Carr (1993:74–80) for a detailed summary of these processes and various interpretations by different traditions.
These Buddhist views have their basis in early Brahmana Hindu writing (ca. 9th century B.C.), which give commentary on the Vedas. Persons who did not perform necessary sacrifices to gods (the fire sacrifice) in life had to die a second, painful death (punarmrityu) in the afterlife (Johnston 1907:286–287; Long 1975). The nature of this second death is like the first, because the deceased is composed of a physical body, vital principle (ashu), and mind (manas), as in life.
The Melanesian Banks Islanders believe that some “souls” live forever in the afterlife, Panoi, whereas others perish in this afterlife after a long time and are reborn to a second Panoi as children. There they become old again and “turn into the black, wrinkled and shapeless masses adhering to the trunks of trees which are the nests of white ants” (Codrington 1881:283). Tikopians hold that the “soul” of the deceased (tangata ora) is conducted to an afterlife by ancestral spirits, where it is lowered into a pool and chewed up by two guardian spirits so that its essence (“blood”) runs down into the pool. The blood is then collected by a female deity in a gourd, where it again attains human form (tama furu), but now of a fully spiritual nature and lacking the taint of mortality it formerly had. The essence in its new body is then outfitted with the power of extraordinary swiftness (Firth 1955:17–18). In contrast, the Melanesians of Pentecost Island hold that some humans who have not complied with certain customs, after they die and go to an afterlife, die a second death that is permanent (Codrington 1881:293). Similarly, the Melanesians of Ysabel Island say that when a person dies, the “soul” transforms in nature (from tarunga in life to tindalo in death) and departs to another island. There, the lord of the place of the dead examines the soul’s hand, and if it does not have an appropriate marking, the lord throws the soul into the gulf, where it perishes (Codrington 1881:308).
In Jewish apocalyptic literature and the book of Revelations (21:8) in the Bible, a second death in a fiery furnace is experienced by the body and soul of a wicked person (MacGregor 1987:8564).
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The process of a shaman merging with a bird tutelary spirit is conceptually distinct from (although related to) the globally widespread idea that a person’s soul has the shape of a bird (Eliade 1964:206, 272, 480–481), as well as the common practices of a shaman transforming his outer physical appearance into a bird or other animal (e.g., Eliade 1964: 381, 477–478; Swan 1988) or his soul into a bird or other animal in the course of initiating out-of-body soul flight (e.g., Eliade 1964:94–95, 381, 459).
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The distinction, experientially, between the relational or continuous being and the incipient transpersonal being is approximated by the distinction between sympathy and empathy as normally defined in the English language. To have sympathy for another is for one person to be in harmony or agreement with the feelings of another (Webster’s 1997). However, one’s feelings are one’s own—one’s own reaction to another’s feelings and plight. To be empathetic toward another is to vicariously experience and participate in the feelings of another (Webster’s 1997). One’s feelings are one’s own and another’s.
Union of the awareness and perceptions of one’s own ego and those of the ego of another person into one integrated experience is one of the states of consciousness described by some Euro-Americans in their life-reviews during their near-death experiences. The person is given the opportunity to see the consequences of one’s actions on another by experiencing the other’s feelings and thoughts along with one’s own (e.g., Moody 1975).
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Here, Buber was influenced by Kant’s (1958) theory of perception as involving both experience and prior concepts in the mind.
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Buber went on to explore, through his philosophical framework, the nature of God and the dialogical relationship between humans and God (Buber 1970:123–168). His upbringing in the Hasidic Judaic tradition, which emphasizes a person forming a direct, personal relationship with God through poetry, music, dance, and other forms of expression, in distinction from the rationalist approach of Rabbinical Judaism, served as the foundation for his notion of dialogue with God and his poetic style of writing in Ich und Du. Buber also explored the idea of grace—that accepting others despite their flaws is necessary to forming an I-Thou relationship and also to finding God (Buber 1970:6, 10, 60). These subjects are beyond the scope of this chapter. The theistic aspects of Buber’s philosophy are not essential to and incorporated in the definition of the incipient transpersonal being discussed in the text.
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Buber’s description of the I-Thou relationship between a human being and God does not differ from that between two humans. The I-Thou relationship between a human and God is a dialogue in which the two share awareness. Buber did not envision it as an especially extraordinary mystical state such as experiencing the boundless universal self or the fundamental ground of unity consciousness.
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Carr, C. (2021). Notions of Personhood and Being across Cultures: Models in the Social Sciences. In: Being Scioto Hopewell: Ritual Drama and Personhood in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44917-9_16
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