Abstract
Insights about the intellectual origins, base arguments, and impacts of three of William Denevan’s most innovative works are addressed: The Pristine Myth, A Bluff Model, and Adaptation. Grounded in the “Berkeley School” traditions of research questions as they morphed into cultural ecology, The Pristine Myth challenged various claims bubbling up during the quincentenary of the Columbian encounter that marked the environments of the Americas as relatively untouched by Native Americans. Despite various challenges to Denevan’s “unpristine” claims, The Pristine Myth has stood the test of time and the advancement of the evidence relevant to the argument. A Bluff Model sought to rectify various evidence and arguments, including those previously proposed by Denevan, about pre-European populations in the Amazon. In this reconfiguration, the relatively large size of the population is recognized, while the location of its settlements and lands used for cultivation is changed in an attempt to reconcile various debates among archaeologists. Finally, Adaptation, perhaps Denevan’s most conceptual work, responds to the challenges that the Berkeley traditions were sparse in terms of the explanations of the built environments addressed. Adaptation borrowed concepts embedded with the Chicago School of risk-hazards, attempting the merge the two major North American schools—Berkeley and Chicago—focused on human-environment relationships and sought to move cultural ecological research into a broader, theoretical framing.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
See Nash (1967) on the “romantic wilderness” of America, Bowden (1992, 9–12) on the “invented tradition” of the “primeval forest” of New England, and Manthorne (1989, 10–21) on artists’ images of the tropical “Eden” of South America. Day (1953, 329) provides numerous quotations from Parkman on “wilderness” and “vast,” “virgin,” and “continuous” forest.
- 3.
For example, a 1991 advertisement for a Time-Life video refers to “the unspoiled beaches, forests, and mountains of an earlier America” and “the pristine shores of Chesapeake Bay in 1607.”
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
Barbara Williams (1989, 730) finds strong evidence of rural overpopulation (66% in poor crop years, 11% in average years) in the Basin of Mexico village of Asunción, ca. AD 1540, which was probably “not unique but a widespread phenomenon.” For a contrary conclusion, that the Aztecs did not exceed carrying capacity, see Ortiz de Montellano (1990, 119).
- 7.
Highland Guatemala provides another prehistoric example of “severe human disturbance” involving deforestation and “massive” soil erosion (slopes) and deposition (valleys) (Murdy 1990, 186). For the central Andes, there is some evidence that much of the puna zone (3200–4500 m), now grass and scrub, was deforested in prehistoric times (White 1985).
- 8.
The English colonists in part justified their occupation of Indian land on the basis that such land had not been “subdued” and therefore was “land free to be taken” (Wilson 1992, 16).
- 9.
- 10.
The “evidence from archaeology and ethnohistory made it clear that dense populations and advanced cultures had developed in Amazonian floodplain habitats in late-prehistoric times” (Roosevelt 1980, 252). Later, however, Roosevelt (1987, 154–155) stated that late prehistoric chiefdoms were “settled along the banks, levees, and deltas of the major floodplains,” which is still ambiguous as to precise location. She does not define “floodplain.”
- 11.
“At maximum river stage, the entire floodplain is covered by a continuous sheet of water” (Sippel et al. 1994, 73). However, there are some high levees, ancient floodplain surfaces, and river terraces that never seem to flood and can thus be considered to be within the valley but not part of the active floodplain.
- 12.
This is a revision of Steward’s (1949, 659) regional density estimates of between 0.10 and 0.40/km2 for the non-riverine Amazon forests.
- 13.
Population densities listed by Beckerman (1987, 86) for 13 contemporary Amazon terra firme tribes average 0.39/km2, with a range from 0.01 to 1.00.
- 14.
In Peru, a distinction is made between emergent sandbars (playas) and mudflats (barreales). Here, playa (beach) refers to both.
- 15.
For example, “un pueblo que estaba en una loma,” and “sobre un alto una hermosa poblacion” (Carvajal 1894, 54).
- 16.
A sixteenth-century Spanish league (legua) measured about 3 2/3 mi or 5.9 km (Medina 1934, 47); however, the length of a league varied somewhat in time and place, often 5 km being given. The accuracy of measurement during early Amazon River travel is unknown; some distances reported are clearly excessive.
- 17.
Communal houses containing over 100 people have been observed in the twentieth century (Myers 1992b, 138).
- 18.
- 19.
“Había muchos caminos que entraban la tierra adentro muy reales” (Carvajal 1894, 42, also see pp. 45, 46, 53, 67). “Highways” were not likely, but neither is it likely that these were all simple trails, which the Spaniards were quite familiar with.
- 20.
For Araracuara, Eden et al. (1984, 134) found the terra preta soils to be higher in phosphorus and organic carbon than adjacent soils, but similar in acidity, calcium, and exchangeable aluminum.
- 21.
Farmers today even transport black earths considerable distances by truck to fertilize their fields and gardens (Smith 1980, 562).
- 22.
Agroforestry systems with annuals and fruit trees on high ground within floodplains have been described in Peru by Padoch and de Jong (1987, 190–192), Coomes (2004), and Hiraoka (1989, 81–84). On floodplain forest management for varied products on islands in the lower Amazon, see Anderson et al. (1995).
- 23.
Lathrap was convinced that “shifting slash-and-burn agriculture was a secondary, derived, and late phenomenon within the Amazon Basin” and that both floodplain and upland farmers had intensive garden systems involving “a bewildering arsenal of crops and cycles of rotation extending up to 25 or 50 years” (Lathrap et al. 1985, 54–55).
- 24.
Tree-fall gaps comprise about 1% of the forest area of Amazonia at any time, averaging several hundred square meters each (Ruokolainen and Tuomisto 1993, 141–142).
- 25.
Acuña (1942, 37); Carvajal (1934a, 210, 217; 1934b, 415, 426); Cruz (1885, 188); Heriarte (1952, 17); Ortiguera (1934, 317); Salinas (1965, 199–207); Vázquez (1981, 211); Vásquez de Espinoza (1948, 384); Zúñiga (1981, 15). In the Iquitos region today, there are at least 193 species of useful fruits, of which 74 are cultivated (domesticates and semi-domesticates); see Vazquez and Gentry (1989, 352–356).
- 26.
Myers (1990, 34) suggests that multiple habitat access and use may have been associated with economic security based on extended families rather than on the immediate family or village.
- 27.
This is a reversal of Meggers’earlier position that: “in spite of their deficiencies, however, the early chronicles make it clear that population density and level of cultural development were considerably greater on the várzea than on the terra firme at the time of European contact” (Meggers 1971, 122).
- 28.
For the American Bottom region of the Mississippi, Woods and Holley (1991, 50) indicate that “[I]t is very likely that [prehistoric] upland settlements were exploiting both upland and bottom-land environments.”
- 29.
For a discussion of the general problems of agricultural development of the Amazon floodplain in Peru, see Chibnik (1994, 221–223). Goulding et al. (1996, 165, 166) indicate that the governments of Amazonian countries are beginning to shift development efforts from the uplands to the floodplains, where serious environmental problems are now occurring as a result.
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Turner, B.L. (2021). Synthetic Contributions Introducer: Billie Lee Turner II. In: WinklerPrins, A.M., Mathewson, K. (eds) Forest, Field, and Fallow. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42480-0_8
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